ACL-CPL 00758 Copper Plate Inscriptions Of Andhra Pradesh Government Museum Hyderabad -Vol.I

ANDHRA PRADESH GOVERNMENT
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SERIES
No. 6 |

COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF
ANDHRA PRADESH GOVERNMENT MUSEUM
HYDERABAD
(Vol. 1)

By
Sri М. RAMESAN, M.A., L.A.S,
Joint Secretary to Government (P. W. D.)
and

Director of Archaeology,
Government of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad.

Published by:

THE GOVERNMENT OF ANDHRA PRADESH,
HYDERABAD:

1962

Printed at :
AJANTA PRINTERS,
| Secunderabad, A.P.
Price Rs 15

FOREWORD

The present publication on the copper plate inscriptions of the Hyderabad Museum is the sixth
publication of the Department of Archaeology. In the last two years, the Department has brought out
six publications in the reorganised archaeological series, and an equal number in the reorganised Museum
series of the Government of Andhra Pradesh.

The Archaeological Department and the Archaeological Museum of the Government of Andhra
Pradesh, Hyderabad had a very rich collection of copper plate epigraphs. In addition, several new
copper plate grants were acquired by me in the last two years for the State Museum. This material
was lying unexamined and unpublished and many visitors to the Museum expressed the hope,
that the Department would edit and publish these plates, so that the people of Andhra
Pradesh, may be enabled to know their contents and the history connected with them. It was asa
result of this persistent public demand, that I took upon myself, the task of editing the copper plate
inscriptions in the Hyderabad Museum, and the present publication is the first volume thereof. It
is expected to bring out a second volume covering the rest of the other copper plates in the Andhra
Pradesh Government Museum in the next year. In addition to the present volume, a valuable
monograph on a Vishnukundin grant by Dr. R. Subrahmanyam, M.A., Ph.D., Superintendent of
Archaeological Survey, Government of India, Madras is under print, and will be out in a few weeks.
Another separate publication on the Eastern Chalukyan grants by Dr. M. Venkataramayya, M.A
M.Litt., Superintendent of Archaeological Survey, Government of India, Visakhapatnam is under
preparation, and will be published soon

Tbe present volume contains fourteen copper plate grants. These include grants by the Pallavas,
the Western Chálukyas of Ваайті and Kalyani, the Kakatiyas, the Kondavidu Reddi kings and the
Eastern Gangas of Kalinga. Of the fourteen grants, three grants of the Western Chalukyas of Badami
have already been published elsewhere. But they have been included in this volume in order to make
the volume complete. The rest of the grants are being published for the first time.

The volume presents many interesting grants. The Vesanta grant of Simhavarma of the
Pallavas, the Goravankepalli plates of Rajarudra, the Alapadu plates of Yellanadéva and the
Kattucheruvu plates of Harivarma are very interesting records, and raise several problems of Andhra
history. An attempt has been made 1n this book to deal with these.

The book is intended for the general reader. 1 have always believed, that archaeological
and historical studies, should be presented in such a manner, as to make the general reader take a
keen interest in them. Otherwise, the result would be a closed book known and circulated only
among a small coterie of specialists in the field. Since the book is intended for the general reader,
I have added a brief chapter on the political history of each of the dynasties of Andhra that are dealt

iv

with in this volume, so that the actual grants could be better appreciated in the light of their historical
setting. Ihave not added a separate translation at the end of the text as is usually done, but have
incorporated in the body of the chapter itself, a brief description of the details mentioned in the
grant. This has been done, since generally translations at the end of the text are rarely looked into.

Ihave to record with great pleasure my sense of deep gratitude to the many friends who
have helped me in the preparation of this volume. Of them special mention must be made of
Sri M. Somasekhara Sarma, Lecturer in Epigraphy and Numismatics, Andhra University and
Sri K. Lakshmana Sastry, Special Officer for Sanskrit studies, Government of Andhra Pradesh.
Sri M. Somasekhara Sarma has taken a keen and abiding interest in this work, and inspite of his old
age, failing health, and his other pre-occupations in the University, he has been kind enough to go
through the text in manuscript, and offer many useful and valuable suggestions. He has also kindly
given a preface for the work. I am deeply grateful to him for this. Sri Lakshmana Sastry, Special
Officer for Sanskrit studies, is a well-known scholar in Sanskrit, combining in himself the depth and
profundity usually found in Sanskrit scholars brought up in the tradit.onal way, with the critic
acumen of a modern scholar. He has been my good friend for a number of years, and it has
personally been a pleasure and delight for me, to go through the Sanskrit texts of the grants with
him. He has offered useful and valuable suggestions about many intricate and difficult points of
Sanskrit grammer and poetry, and the book is the richer for it. I have very great pleasure in recording
my sense of gratitude to him,

1 am also deeply grateful to J. P. L. Gwynn Esq., LC.S., Secretary to Government, Education
Department for the consistent encouragement that he has given me in the discharge of my duties as
Director of Archaeology and especially ín the field of publications.

My thanks are also due to all the members of my staff who bave helped me in the preparation
of this book. I must make special mention of Sri P. Parabrahma Sastry and Kumari G. Lalita, M.A.,
who have helped me in preparing the manuscript and in correcting the proofs.

My thanks are also due to Sri G. Sivaramamurthy, B.A., my stenographer who has patiently
taken down the entire work in shorthand and typed it neatly and efficiently.

I have dedicated this work in three Sanskrit verses, as a mark of my respect and devotion, to
Jagadguru Sri Sankaracharya of Sri Kanchi Kamakoti Pitham, who has been my Guru and God,

and to whose grace I owe everything that 1 cherish and value deeply in this life. This dedication has
been made purely in my personal and individual capacity.

My special thanks are due to the Ajanta Printers who have printed this book so neatly and effi-
ciently insuch a short time. Its managing partners Messrs N.C.S. Venkatachari and N.C.S. Partha-
sarathy are themselves scholars, and the keen interest they took in printing this volume has greatly
lightened my work. The book has been given an excellent get up and this is due mainly to their efforts.

Hyderabad-Dn. } N. Ramesan
1-2-1962

PREFACE

Sri М. Ramesan, M.A., LA.S., Director of Archaelogy, Government of Andhra Pradesh, has
requested me to write a few lines of introduction to this publication by him. Though this work,
owing to its intrinsic merit, needs no such preface at all, still I could not but accedtb to his request,
having such high regard for him, and for the excellent work that he has been doing as Director of
the State Department of Archaeology. І deem it a pleasure and a privilege to do his bidding.

The different publications relating to Epigraphy, Numismatics etc., which Sri N. Ramesan
has brought out within a very short period ever since he took charge of the Department, bear
eloquent testimony to his dynamic energy and to his immense interest in Archaeology and especially
in the field of Epigraphy and Numismatics. That he isa sound Sanskrit scholar and a lover of
chaste Sanskrit poetry, is evident from his writings contained in this work and from his dedicatory
verses in Sanskrit in Sragdhara metre. Epigraphy is his main hobby. He is a zealous hunter after
copper-plate records. Had it not been for his interest in Epigraphy, such a good number of copper-
plate grants, as has been published in this volume, would not have been available to scholars.

The fourteen copper-plate grants discussed in this volume, have been ably edited and

published. Some of these have been lying in the Department from a long time, and some, acquired
by it. It is a pity that the original plates of a few very important records are lost, and no
information as to when and where they were found, is available. Fortunately for us, the loss of the
original plates is however to a certain extent compensated by the photographs preserved in the
Department which happen to be the only available source to know the existence of the originals.
Ex The records published in this volume belong to the Badami Chalukya, the Kalyani Chalukya,
be Eastern Ganga, the Kakatiya, the Kondavidu Reddi, and the Pallava dynasties. Sri М. Ramesan
has also given a short account of the history of each dynasty to which the copper-plates belongs, as.
à back-ground for a better understanding of the plates by the readers. He has also discussed
elaborately, every point in the grants worth noting, having in view, the general reader.

There are some important and interesting plates in this collection.

Of such important plates the Marururu grant of Satyasraya Prithivi Vallabha Pulakesin-1I is.
one. This grant gives us to understand that Pulakesin-II, whose date of accession is calculated to
be 609-10 AD., conquered Pishthapura as early as the 8th year of his rule, which is the date of the
record. This record raises many an important problem and is an exceedingly interesting one.

Another interesting record in this collection is the Kattucheruvu grant of Harivarma, son of
Prithivimüla. So far only one grant of Prithivimiila the Godavzry plates (J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol.XVI,
pp. 114 ff), has come to light. This is his second record. Though the donor of this record is
Harivarma, he obtains permission to make the grant from his father who was the reigning king.

vi

This record newly brings to light the existence of a Buddhist settlement in the East Godavari
district, which may be probably located at 4durru of the East Godavari District,

The third interesting record іп this volume is Rajarudra's Goravankapalli grant. Rajarudra,
one of the chiefs of the Mahasámanta family, was a vassal of Kumara Rudradéva, the last king of the
Kakatiya line. It is interesting to note that some of the Kakatiya vassals also issued copper-plate
grants registering their gifts, a custom which is rarely found in the Andhra country during the
medieval period. |

There is yet another grant, the Alapadu plates of Yellanadéva. This record poses a problem
in КаКапуа history, wbich with the materials now available, is hard to solve. Yellanadéva was
a contemporary of queen Rudramadevi daughter of Kakati Ganapatidéva, and claims to have been
the husband of a daughter of the queen. Yellanadéva or any of his predecessors mentioned in the
grant, do not find mention in any of the inscriptions of the Kakatiya period.

The publication is a very useful addition to the Indian Epigraphical literature and serves as an
important source book for the reconstruction, particularly of the history of the Deccan.

I hearüly congratulate Sri N. Ramesan, M.A., LA.S., for bringing out this excellent
production, and for the valuable work that he has been doing in the field of Andhra History as the
Director of Archaeology for the Government of Andhra Pradesh.

M. Somasekhara Sarma,

Andhra University,
Lecturer in Epigraphy & Numismatics.

Waltair,
24th Nov., 1961.

DEDICATION BY THE AUTHOR

HATIA,

'जीवन्मुक्तो जगत्यां निजनियमतपदशक्तितः पूजनीयः

सद्भर्मस्योदिधीषुः कलियुगजनुषां भाग्यतो भासते यः ।
-श्रीकाञ्चीकामकोटीगुरुरपि च तदध्यास्यमानं हि पीठम्‌

धा्नाऽन्योन्यं 54 तत्‌ मथयति नितरां नैतदन्यत्र दष्टम्‌ ॥१॥

आचार्यस्यांप्रिपद्मद्र्‍य अतिविनयेनातिभक्त्याऽर्पितं माम्‌
अङ्गीकृत्यान्वणुह्णत्‌ प्रशिथिलमनसं बोधयित्वा स सत्यम्‌ |
यसाछोके दुरापां गुरुवरकरुणां MATARA धन्यः
तसात्तामेव दैवं बलमिति कल्ये दुर्विधीन्मे विजेतुम्‌ ॥२॥

सद्ज्ञानानन्दभासे प्रविमलतपसे मद्शुरुस्वामिनेऽहम्‌
अल्पोऽल्पार्थामिहेनां निजकृतिमुपदां कतुमर्हः कथं स्याम्‌ |
ఇచ तदीयस्समजनिषि जनन्यात्मजन्यायतोऽयम्‌
क्षान्त्या MHA मद्दुष्कृतमथ सुकृत रक्षतान्मामितीडे ॥३॥

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
Section I — The Western Chalukyas of Badami
‘Chapter I ` A brief History of the Western Chalukya dynasty of Badami - 1
"Chapter IÍ The Marutür plates of Satyasraya Sri Prithvi Vallabha Pulakesin-ll .. 11
Chapter III The Tumméyaniiru grant of Pulakesin-II T 40
Chapter IV Тһе Velnalli grant of Vikramaditya-I of the Western Chalukyan dynasty 46
‘Chapter V The Iparumkal grant of Vikramaditya-I 2% are Же 54
Chapter VI The Paniyal grant of Vinayaditya-I .. 2 2% Ki 58
Section II — The Western Chalukyas of Kalyani
Chapter VII А brief history of the Western Chalukya dynasty of Kalyani - 61
Chapter УШ The Kallasámbi plates of Vikramáditya-VI .. “з қ 74
Section III — Тһе Kakatiyas

Chapter IX A brief history of the Kakatiyas of Warangal .. . 91
'Chapter X The Goravankapalli plates of Rajarudra a Commander-in-chief of king

Prataparudra of the Kakatiya line be š 98
Chapter XI The Alapadu grant of Yellana Deva of the time of Queen Rudrambika of

the Kakatiya dynasty 25 2 "T z 109

| Section ТУ — The Eastern Gangas of Kalinga

Chapter XH А brief history of the Eastern Ganga kings of Kalinga 4% "T 125
"Chapter XIII Тһе Danta plates of Anantavarma Vajrahasta-HI and Anantavarma

Choda Gangadeva of the Eastern Ganga line of kings .. 4 137
Chapter ХІУ Тһе Matura grant of king Devéndravarma Каја Raja of the Eastern

Gangas of Kalinga 2% ja T 153

Section V — The Reddi kings of Kondavidu

Chapter XV А brief history of the Reddi kings of Kondavidu pa - 163
Chapter XVI Тһе Puvvāda grant of Prolaya Vema of Kondavidu dynasty of Reddi kings 173

Chapter ХУП The Pedapalakaluru plates of Апауета Reddi of the Kondaviduline of kings. 185
Section VI — The Pallavas
Chapter XVIII The Vésanta grant of Pallava Simhavarma iu xd 4% 211
Section VII — King Harivarma son of Prithvi Sri Mula of the Godavari Plates

Chapter XIX Тһе Kattucheruvu grant of king Harivarma son of Prihvi Sri Mila of the
Godavari plates s 23 zx ప 2 241

со — ७ чл BR әм m

LIST OF PLATES AND TEXT FIGURES

The Marutür Plates of Pulakesin-II Plates I (a) -I(d)

The Tummeyanür Plates of Pulakesin-II
The Veinalli Plates of Vikramaditya-I

The Iparumkal Plates of Vikramaditya-I
The Paniyal Plates of Vikramaditya-I

The Kallasambi Plates of Vikramaditya-VI
The Goravankapalli Plates of Rajarudra
The Alapadu Plates of Yellanadeva

The Danta Plates of Vajrahasta-IJI and
Anantavarma Chdoa Gangadeva

The Matura Plates of Devendravarma
Rajarajadeva
The Puvvada Plates of Prolayavema

The Pedapalakalaru Plates of Anavema
reddi

The Vésanta Plates of Simhavarma
The Kartucheruvu Plates of Harivarma
The plan of Pedapalakalaru village drawn

as per the details given in the grant of
Anavema reddi

93

ә?

33

П (а) - (b)
Ш (a) -ІШ (b)
IV (а) -IV (b)
Va) - V(b)
ҮІ (а) - VI (d)
VII (a) - VII (c)
VIII (а)- VIII (e)

IX (a) - IX (e)

Ха) -X(d)
ХІ (а) - XI (d)

XII (a) - XII (h)

XIII (a) - XIII (c)
XIV (a)- XIV (c)

Text figure

( To face pp.)
36, 37, 38, 39
44, 45

52, 53

56, 57

62, 63

84, 85, 86, 87
106, 107, 108

118, 119, 120, 121,
122

148, 149, 150, 151,
152

156, 157, 158, 159
182, 183, 184, 185

200, 201, 202, 203,
204, 205, 206, 207

236, 237, 238
246, 247, 248.

198

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D I
BN

7 "TAY 969 %
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SECTION I

THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI

CHAPTER I

A BRIEF HISTORY OF
THE WESTERN CHALUKYAN DYNASTY OF BADAMI

1. INTRODUCTORY

The Western Chalukyan dynasty, with its headquarters at Badami, covered a period
of nearly two centuries from the 6th to the 8th century A. D. With the advent of these
kings we enter upon fairly well chronicled dates and chronologies. Before the Western
Chalukyans of Badami established themselves, the other mighty empire that ruled over the
Deccan, and also extended its power far beyond its frontiers was the great Saravahana
dynasty, which ruled for a period of nearly four centuries. With the downfall of the
Satavahanas, smaller dynasties sprang up here and there, like the Ikshvakus of the
Vijayapuri, the Kadambas, the early Prakrit Pallavas of the Guntur region etc. It was not
until the time of the Western Chalukyan kings, and especially till the time of Pulakesin-II
who was the most famous king ofthis line of kings, that political integration was once
again established 1n the Deccan.

2. THE THREE BRANCHES OF THE CHALUKYAN LINE OF KINGS

Even for the history of the Western Chalukyan dynasty of Badami, we have to rely
mainly upon the kind of evidence that is available to us for writing the history of any
other line of kings in India viz. inscriptions, copper plate grants and things like it. The
Western Chalukyas of Badami ruled for a period of two centuries from circa 544 A.D. to
circa 755 A.D. and had a list of nine kings. After the fall of the Western Chlaukyas of
Badami, the Rashtrakütas asserted their power, and were ruling from Malkhed or
Manyakhéta which was their capital, for a period of nearly two centuries. After them,
the Western Chalukyas who were continuing to rule, as minor fudatories under the Rashira-
Қағаз, reasserted their independence and also their sovereignty, and established a mighty
kingdom with Kalyani as their capital. This second line of Western Chalukyas is known as
the Western Chalukyas of Kalyani. During the reign of Pulkesin-II, he established his
brother Kubja Vishnu Vardhana, who was also otherwise known as Vishamasiddhi in the
coastal districts of Andhra Pradesh with headquarters at Pishtapuraka or the modern
Pithapur round about 624 A. D. Kubja Vishnu Vardhana thus became the first ruler of what
is known as the Eastern Chalukyan line of kings of Andhra Pradesh. This line held sway

2 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

uninterruptedly for a period of nearly four centuries, and there was also much contact bet-
ween them and the Chalas of the south both by ties of marriage and otherwise. Thus the.
Chalukyan dynasty that started at Badami had three branches., The first was the Western
Chalukyas of Badami, the second was the Western Chalukyas of Kalyani which rose to power
nearly two centuries after the reign of the Western Chalukyas of Badami came to an end,
and the third was the Eastern Chalukyas of Véigi, who started their reign with Kubja
Vishnu Vardhana, and who ruled for a period of four centuries uninterruptedly the coastal
districts of Andhra Pradesh.

The first king of the Western Chalukyan dynasty of Badami is said to have established
his power somewhere in the year 550 A. D. Our main source of information for the history
of the Western Chalukyas is the inscriptions which are found engraved on stones as well as
on copper plates. The inscriptions of the Chalukyas of Badami would be about thirty or
forty while the inscriptions of the Eastern Chalukyas of Véngi are many more. As regards
the Western Chalukyas of Kalyani there are a good number of lithic records as well as a few
copper plates. There is also the great literary work Vikramankadéva Charita by the great
sanskrit poet Bilhana which is a biography of Vikramaditya-VI of the Western Chalukyas
of Kalyani

3. THE DERIVATION OF THE WORD CHALUKYA
The word Chalukya seems to have been derived from the word Chalkya which was
the original fmm of the dynastic name. Khanda Chaliki Remmanaka or Remmanaka son of
Khanda Chaliki of one of the Nagarjunakonda inscriptions! who is described there as
Mahasenapathi and Maha Talavara is the earliest reference to the word Chaliki. But it is
difficult to identify him as belonging to the Chalukya clan, since the Chalukyas have des-
cribed themselves as Haritiputras, where as Khanda Chaliki Remmanaka is stated to bea
Vasishthiputra. Chalukyas like the Chatas and the Kadambas were an indigenous tribe which
rose to importance in the later Satavahana period, and who asserted their independence
after the downfall of the Satavahana empire. In one of the inscriptions of Pulakesin-II being
edited in this volume, a village that was granted by Pulakesin-II is said to be situated in the
Chalukya Vishaya. lt is therefore clear that the original word Chalukya was applied to a
territorial division or a Vishaya of a kingdom. Like the Pagiyas, the Hiranyakas, and the
Dhanakas of the Ikshvaku period, the territorial division came to be known as Chalukya,
after the Chalukyan clan. The provenence of that grant and also the other factors mentioned
while editing it, clearly prove, that this Chalukya Vishaya must have been somewhere in the
Ceded districts of Andhra Pradesh including perhaps parts of the Mahaboobnagar district.

Hence the Chalukyas were therefore originally residents of this area.

1. Epigraphia Indica Vol. XX, 18, B, 4.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 3

4. THE ORIGIN OF THE CHALUKYAN KINGS

At Badami there is an inscription! dated 578 A.D. which is the earliest record which
gives the family legend of the Chalukyas. It is said that the Chalukyas were worshippers
of the feet of the sacred Lord Swami or Swami Mahasena or Lord Kartikéya, and
belonged to Manavyasa Gotra and had themselves purified by the performance of several
Yagnas like the Agnishtoma, the Agnichayana, the Vajapéya, the Poundarika, the Bahusu-
varna and the Asvamedha etc. This legend which is the earliest Chalukyan legend was later
on embellished in course of time, and after a lapse of some years, a standard form of
Prasasti was established for the Chalukyas which remained unchanged. The Mahakita
Pillar inscription of 672 A.D. included a whole line from the Raghuvamsa of Kalidasa.
The Hyderabad grant of Pulakesin-II? gives the information that the family of the Chaluk-
yas was nourished by the Saptamatrikas, or the seven Mothers, and that they acquired great
merit and prosperity, by the protection of Lord Kartikeya and that they obtained the
varaha Laüchana or the boar crest by the divine favour and grace of Lord Narayana. Perhaps
the ancestors of the Chalukyas were feudatories of Satavahanas and Ikshvakus who were
ruling the territory belonging to the northern Ceded districts and parts of Mahaboobnagar
district called the Chalukya Vishaya, and later on, in course of time rose to great eminence.

A brief glimpse of the reign of each king is given below and it should be borne in
mind, that the dates given are approximate.

5. PULAKESIN—I1 (544A D. — 566 A.D.)

The earliest king of the Western Chalukyan dynasty was Pulakésin-I. Some of the
inscriptions of Pulakesin-I refer to his father Rana Raga and to his grandfather Jayasimha.
It was Pulakésin-I who first established the kingdom of the Western Chalukyds and this was
acknowledged by his sons Kirtivarma-I and Mangalésa. Kirtivarma defeated the Kadambas
of Banavasi, the Mauryas of the Konkan, and the Nalas of an unknown place. Mangalesa
added to this, by an expedition in the north till he was stopped by the rulers of Valabhi
near Gujarat. Pulakésin-I had the Birudas of ‘Satyasraya’ and ‘Ranavikrama’. The Maha
Kuta Pillar inscription‘ gives him the Biruda ‘Sri Prithvi Vallabha’ but the famous Aihale
inscription’ gives him the Biruda of ‘Sri Vallabha’ only. From the Mahakita Pillar inscri-
ption it is clear that the name of the queen consort was ‘Durlabha Devi’ of the Batpura
family.

6. KIRTIVARMA-I (566 A. D. — 597 A.D.)
Pulakésin-I was succeeded by his eldest son Kirtivarma-I who came to the throne in

Indian Antiquary Vol. VI, p. 363.
Indian Antiquary Vol. XIX, p. 18.
Indian Antiquary Vol, VJ, p. 72.
Indian Antiquary Vol. XIX, p. 18.
Indian Antiquary Vol. VIII. p. 237.

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4 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

566-67 A.D. The 12th regnal year of this king fallin Saka 500 or 578 A.D. according to
the Badami cave inscriptions! and hence his date of accession can be fixed at 566 A.D. -.
567 A.D. From the Chiplun grant of Pulakésin-IT* we learn that his queen was a sister of
Raja ‘Sri Vallabha Sévananda’ of the Séndraka family, though her name is not known. The
same record describes him as the first creator of Vatapi, or the modern Badami. The
Maha Kita Pillar inscription? gives a large list of kingdoms conquered by him viz. Vanga,
Anga, Kalinga, Vattura, Magadha, Madraka Kerala, Ganga, Müshaka, Pandya, Dramila,
Chola, Alupu, Vaijayanti etc. The only record of his time is the inscription’? in the
verandah of the Vishnu cave at Badami which says that his younger brother Mangalésa on
the occasion of the installation of the image of Lord Vishnu on the above date, granted
gifts to Brahmins, and endowed the temple with a village called Lanjiswara which is the
modern Nandikeswara close to Badami.
7. MANGALESA (597 A.D. — 610 A.D.)

Kirtivarma-I was succeeded by his younger brother Mangalésa in A.D. 597 or
98 A.D. as his son who became very famous later as Pulakesin-I] was a minor. It was
during his reign that the conquest of Kalachüris and the Revati Dvipa happened. He had
the titles Ranavikranta, Prithvi Vallabha and Parama Bhagavata. He was a great builder
and was responsible for the construction of the Mahavishnu Griha at Badami which is a
masterpiece of workmanship. His reign closed with a certain amount of dynastic disorder
since there was some struggle between him and Pulakesin-II probably due to the fact that
Mangalésa tried to secure the throne for his own son and not to hand it over to
the rightful claimant viz. Pulakesin-II. What exactly happened is ‘not easy to determine,
since the Aihole inscription* which is a famous historical inscription of the Western
Chalukyas does not give a clear picture of the events. It merely says that Mangaleta's
elder brother's son viz. Pulakésin-II who had the dignity of Nahusha seeing that his
paternal uncle was envious of him, made up his mind to lead the life of a recluse but that
by the application of the great gifts with which Pulakésin was endowed, Mangalésa had
to abandon three things at one time viz. his efforts to secure the kingdom for his own son,
the vast kingdom itself, and his own life. It is thus possible that Mangalésa might have
tried to secure the kingdom for his own son in preference to Pulakesin-II, who would have
been the rightful heir after Kirtivarma and in whose minority he probably acted as a sover-
eign for some years and that Pulakesin-II might have asserted his independence and won
back his own kingdom from his uncle by fighting. Whatever it may be, the copper plate
grants of Pulakesin-II or of his immediate successors give no importance or rightful place

Indian Antiquary Vol. VI, p. 363.
Epigraphia Indica Vol. Ш. p. 50.
Indian Antiquary Vol. XIX, p. 18.
Indian Antiquary Vol. VIII, p. 237.

POS १० १५

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 5

to Mangalésa in the chronology of the kings which they mention in their Prasasti. But
.-Mangalesa's reign appears in the proper place, in the later grants of the Western Chalukyas
of Kalyani. In these grants, an attempt is made to pass over his behaviour towards
Pulakesin-II, probably because they did not want to rake up these unpleasant details.

8. PULAKESIN-I (610 A.D. — 642 A.D.)

Mangalésa was succeeded by his nephew Pulakesin-II. His Hyderabad grant! gives
us the information that Saka 534 expired was the third year after the coronation of the
king. Hence he must have come to the throne by 610 A.D. - 611 A.D. He was a great
warrior and extended his kingdom not merely in the Deccan, buteven inthe north. He
paved the way for the establishment of another branch in the coastal districts of Andhra,
which ruled for nearly four centuries under the name Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi. Another
branch came into existence in the reign of his son Vikramaditya-l. The conquests of
Pulakeá&in-II are given graphically in the Aihole inscription? of Ravikirti. Pulakésin in this ins-
cription is said to have defeated his enemies Appayika and Govinda and even to have over run
the Kadambas, Alupas, and the Gangas and the other kings. During the time of Pulakésin-IT
king Harshavardhana was ruling in the north, and he being an equally illustrious
monarch, a clash between these two was inevitable. It would appear that in this clash
king Harshavardhana was defeated and the Narmada frontier was successfully held by
Pulakesin-Il. This is confirmed by a mention in the later Prasastis of the successors of
king Pulakésin-II where the following phrase occurs:

“समर संसक्त सकलोत्तरापथथेश्वर श्री हर्षवर्धन
पराजयोपळब्ध परमेश्वरापरनामधेयस्य'

The great Chinese traveller Hieun Tsang travelled extensively in the Deccan
during the reign of Pulakésin-II and his statements give a clue to the extensive dominions
and the extent of the power of Pulakesin-II.

Sometime after the early conquests of his reign, Pulakésin-IJ installed his brother
Vishnu Vardhana as Yuvardja in the Satara region and continued his reign of conquest. The
stages of this march, are described by Ravikirti in the famous Aihole inscription. The
rulers of Kosala, Kalinga, Pishtapuraka, Véngi all fell. The Vishnukundins of Andhra
Pradesh and probably all other kings like these of Kamala or colair lake, the kings of
Pishtapuraka also fell under the power of Pulakésin-II. Та order to consolidate his posses-
sions in the eastern Deccan, Pulakésin-IT sent his brother Vishnu Vardhana who was also
known as Vishamasiddhi on account of his prowess in reducing several forts etc. to Vezgi-
désa and gave him full ruling powers. Thus arose the Eastern Chalukyan kingdom of

1. Indian Antiquary Vol. VI, p. 72.
2. Indian Antiquary Vol. VIII p. 237

ర COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

Véngi under Kubja Vishnu Vardhana and it has been held that this separate line started
somewhere from 624 A.D.

Pulakesin had to contend with another formidable power namely the Pallavas of the
south. The Pallavas were famous kings, and the early Pallavas or what are known as the
Pallavas of the Prakrit, grants ruled over the portions of Guntur and Nellore districts, south
of river Krishna and were succeeded by the Pallavas of the Early Sanskrit charters and later
by the great Pallavas. Perhaps during his march into the eastern Deccan, Pulakesin-I must
have uprooted the Pallavas in this area, and according to the Aihole inscription,’ he is said,
to have caused the splendour of the whole of Pallavas to be obscured and vanish behind the
walls of Kanchipura. Mahendravarma-I who was a great author and a great king among
the Pallavas was then the ruling king. He was known by several names like ‘Vichitra
Chitta’, ‘Gunabhara’ etc. He is the author of a famous work in Sanskrit called the ‘Matta;
vilasa Prahasini' which gives a glimpse into the social conditions of that period. It is pos-
sible that Mahendravarma might have been: worsted in the initial battle, and might have had
to withdraw within the fortress of Kanchi, but it is certain that Pulakésin-II was not in a
position to reduce that fortress as the Kasaküdi plates? state that Mahéndravarma gained
a victory against his foe at Pullalura. In any case Pulakesin-II would appear to have with-
drawn to his own capital. But the feud which started between Chalukyas and Pallavas
became a deadly dynastic feud which continued for several generations. Mahéndravarma’s
son was the famous Pallava king called Narasimhavarma, otherwise known as Maha
Malla who was the builder of the renowned cave temples in M zmallapura or Mahabalipura.
He was a strategist and a leader of high calibre and he led an expedition against Pula-
Кезіп-П and destroyed Vatapi, the capital of the Western Chalukyas and also occupied it
for some time. Thus the career of this great king Pulakésin-IJ ended in complete disaster.
After him and till the time of his son and successor Vikramaditya, who came about 12 years
later on, there is no information as to what really happened.

From the Pallava records? we find that Narasimha Varma-I is described as putting
Pulakesin-II to flight in battles at Pariyala, Manimangala, Suramara and other places and
writing the word ‘Victory’ on his back as on a plate and as destroying the city of Vatapi.
This event must have happened after 634-35 A.D. which is the date of the Aihole inscription‘,
and before 655 A.D. which is the earliest assignable date for Vikramaditya-I son of
Pulakesin-II, perhaps round about 640 A.D. Thus for a period of 10 to 15 years there was
an interregnum in the Western Chalukyan rule.

Indian Antiquary Vol. VIII p. 237.

South Indian Inscriptions Vol. II, p. 350.
South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I, p. 152.
Indian Antiquary, Vol. VIII, p. 237.

E aui wif on

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 7

9. VIKRAMADITYA-I (655 A.D. — 680 A.D.)

The supermacy of the Western Chalukyas was re-established by Vikramaditya-I one of
tne sons of Pulakesin-II. He is described in his grants, with the birudas of Satyasraya,
Sri Prithvi Vallabha, Maharajadhi Raja, Bhattaraka and so on. He is said to have recon-
quered in many battles, with the help of his horse Chitrakanta, the fortune of his father
which was interrupted by three kings, and to bave re-established for his own fame and
glory, the many Brahmadheyas and Dévadhéyas that had been given. In the Velnalli
grant of Vikramaditya-I published elsewhere in this volume, it is said that Vikramaditya-I
was camping at Uragapuri in the Cholika Vishaya on the southern banks of river Kaveri.
Since the date of the grant is given as the 20th regnal year of the king, it is clear, that he
must have spent the early part of his reign in consolidating and re-establishing his power
and slowly expanding it into the other powers ofthe country. Thethree kings who were
supposed to have defeated the kingdom of his father and who were in turn defeated by
Vikramaditya are identified by several scholars with the Pallavas themselves who were
ruling over the three portions of the territory at Kanchipura, Nellore and Guntur, and the
Ceded districts.

There is some doubt amongst scholars whether the three kingdoms referred to above
were those of the Cholas, the Pandyas and the Pallavas. This problem has been examined
in great details by Sri Mallampalli Somasekhara Sarma’ and Dr. N. Venktramanayya? who
have come to the conclusion that the three kingdoms were of the Pallavas themselves ruling
over Kanchipura, Nellore and Guntur and Ceded districts. It is not necessary to enter into
the discussion on this here, since the problem has been discussed in one of the plates of
Vikramaditya that is being edited in this volume.

Vikramaditya-I was himself a great warrior and some of his later grants as the
Velnalli grant, published elsewhere, give four verses in which his conquest over the Pallavas
is praised in glowing terms. He is supposed to have crushed the glory of Narasimhavarma
and caused the valour Mahéndravarma-If to be dissolved, and subdued Iswara by the mere
look of his eyes. This is an obvious reference to Narasimhavarma, Mahéndravarma-II
and Paraméswara, the three Pallava kings. These verses also describe the defence of
Kanchi and how Vikramaditya-I got over them. It is thus clear that Vikramaditya-I, had
after consolidating his power, won a victory over Narasimhavarma and probably followed
it up by a thrust into the south. To Vikramaditya, therefore, goes the credit of re-
establishing the line of the Western Chalukyas and of expanding their territory.

10. VINAYADITYA (680 A.D. — 696 A.D.)
Vikramaditya was succeeded by his son Vinayaditya who came to the throne round

1. Journal Bombay, Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XVI. p. 226.
2. Journal of the Oriental Research, Madras Vol. X Part I.
4. The Madras Christian College Magazine 1929, p. 7.

8 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

about 680 A.D. He was loyally served by his feudatories like the Alupas, Sendrakas and
others, and was also assisted in his administration by his son Vijayaditya who was called
Yuvardja. Vinayüditya had a queen by name Vinayavati. Не conquered the Pallavas,
Kalabhras, Keralas and Haihayas. The Vila, Malwa, Chola, Pandya and others are said to
have been reduced by Vijayaditya to a state of servitude in his grants.’ One of the Rashtra-
küta records* also mentions that this king won a victory against a certain Vajrata whose
‘identity is not clear.
11. VIJAY ADITYA (696 A.D, — 733 AD.)

Vinayaditya was succeeded by his son Vijayaditya who began his rule sometime in
696 A.D. Vijayaditya’s reign is perhaps the longest of the Western Chalukyas and also the
most prosperous and peaceful. Like his ancestors he had the assistance of his son
Vikramaditya-IT in the task of administration of his kingdom. It was Vijayaditya who
built the famous Siva temple at Pattadakal which is still a lving marvel of Chalukyan type
of temple architecture. It is now called Sangameswaralaya. Vijayaditya had another
sister called Kumkumadevi, who is mentioned in an inscription.

12. VIKRAMADITYA-II (733 A. D. — 744 A. D.)

Vikramaditya-II succeeded his father in 733 A. D. and it was during his reign that
there was a threat of invasion by the Arabs who had established themselves in Sind. But
the Nausari grant of 739 A. D.* of Avani Janasraya Pulakesin of Lata a son of Dharasraya
Jayasimhavarman, gives us interesting details of the invasion of Arabs who were said to
have already destroyed the Saindhava, Sourashtra etc. and whose entrance into the Deccan
was stopped by the king.

After this Vikramaditya-II had to fight with the Pallava kings who were the family
enemies of the Western Chalukyas. Vikramaditya-II took the initiative in this and the
‘disgrace of the Pallava occupation of Vatapi was paid back by Vikramaditya-II by putting
up an inscription of his own in the most beautiful Pallava temples in their capital city viz.
Kanchi. Vikramaditya-II married the Haihaya and the Kalabhra princesses who were his
queens. Of them, Lokamahadevi was the elder queen who built the great stone temple of
Lokésvara now known as the Virüpaksha temple at Parradakal. The younger queen was
called Thrilokya Mahadevi who also erected a temple there.

13. KIRTIVARMA-II (744 A. D. — 755 A. D.)

After Vikramaditya-II, Kirtivarma-II succeeded his father in 744 A. D. and he can be
said to be the last effective ruler of the Western Chalukyan kings of Badami, since trouble
came from the Rashtrakutas who soon overthrew this dynasty. Kirtivarma-II was defeated
by Danthidurga who founded the main line of Rashtrakatas at Manyakheta or Malkhed.

1. Indian Antiquary Vol. VII, p. 303.

2. Indian Antiquary Vol. XI, p 114.
3. Dynasties of Kanarese Districts, Bombay Gazeeteer, Vol. II. p. 376.

(2) INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 9

With the rise of these Rashtrakütas at Manyakhéta or Malkhed, the Badami Western Chalukyan
line came to an end, and for nearly two centuries no mention is made of them till we hear
again after two centuries of the rise of the Western Chalukyas of Kalyani. But during the
interval of these two centuries, there was a number of subordinate chieftains in the southern
parts of Deccan bearing the Chalukyan name, and from whom many inscriptions are
obtained. Two important minor lines of these Chalukyas that filled the interregnum are the
Mudigonda Chalukyas of Warangal district and Vémulavada Chalukyas of Karimnagar
district who played an important role in the internecine wars between the Rashtrakutas and
the Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi who were not effected by the overthrow of the Western
Chalukyan line.

13, THE GENEALOGICAL CHART OF THE BADAMI WESTERN CHALUKYAS
The following genealogical table gives a clear idea of the rule of the Western

Chalukyas of Badami.
аа
Rana Raga
Satyasraya Ranavikrama ప్ర న 545 A.D. (Queen Durlabhadevi)

| |
Ranaparakrama Kirtivarma-I Rana Vikranta Mangalésa

(566-67 to 597-98 A.D.) (597-98 A.D. to 610 A.D.)
| |
| |
Satyasraya Pulakesin-II Vishamasiddhi Kubja Vishnu Vardhana
(610 A.D. to 642 A.D.) Founder of the Eastern Chalukyan line

" | | | ]
Adityavarma | Chaüdraditya Satyasraya Rana Rasika Vikramaditya-I Dhanasraya
(655 A.D. — 680 A.D.) Jayasimhavarma

Satyasraya Rajasraya Vinayaditya-I
(680 A.D. — 696 A.D.)
|

| y |
Satyasraya Samastabhuvanasraya Vijayaditya Kumkumamahadevi
(696 A.D. — 733 A.D)

Satyasraya Vikramaditya-1I
(733 A.D. — 746 A.D.)

|
Satyasraya Nripasimha Kirtivarma-IT (146 A.D. — 757 A.D.)

10 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

15. CONCLUSION

Thus a total of nine kings of the Badami Western Chalukyan line, ruled roughly,
from circa 545 A.D. to circa 757 A.D. i.e. for a period of two centuries. After the fall of
the Satavahanas, this rule of Western Chalukyas of Badami isa famous and glorious
period in Deccan history. It was this line that consolidated the territories and brought
them under one rule. It was Pulakesin-II who was a great warrior and who conquered the
coastal districts of Andhra that established his brother Kubja Vishnu Vardhana who
founded the famous Eastern Chalukyan line. This eastern line ruled uninterruptedly for
a period of four centuries, the coastal Andhra desa, and under these kings, Telugu
literature, art, and architecture rose to their zenith. Though the reign of Pulakesin-II
ended in a disaster, still his son proved himself equal to the task of reestablishing the
power and extended his dominions. The Pallavas and the Western Chalukyas were deadly
family enemies, and bothin the history of tbe Chalukyas as well as in that of the
Pallavas, we find reference claiming victory in certain battles for their own kings.
This feud lasted nearly 200 years and it is a curious fact of history that
the Western Chalukyas as well as Pallavas of Kanchipura lost their kingdom, round
about the same period. After a rule for nearly three centuries by the Rashrrakütas,
the Chalukyas rose again as a ruling race known as the Western Chalukyas of Kalyani.
Similarly the Pallavas were succeeded by the famous Chala line of kings whose reign was
established by Vijayalaya. Itis a sad fact of history that the feud between the Western
Chalukyas of Badami, and the Pallavas was continued by their successors viz. the Western
Chalukyas of Kalyani and the Cholas of the south. The line of the Western Chalukyas of
Kalyani also came to an end after 200 years and was succeeded by the Yadavas, the Hoya-
salas, and the Kakatiyas. This reign of two centuries is also a glorious period in Deccan
history. The few copper plates that are being edited in this volume, throw a revealing
light on the history of these two Chalukyan line of kings and confirm the many conclusions
already drawn by historians and research scholars.

CHAPTER II

THE MARUTOR PLATES OF
SATYASRAYA SRI PRITHVI VALLABHA PULAKESIN-II

A set of copper plates bearing inscriptions in the script of the 7th century A.D.
would appear to have been brought for examination to the erstwhile Hyderabad Depart-
ment of Archaeology some time ago. Unfortunately the importance of this grant which is
one of the earliest grants of the Badami Western Chalukyan dynasty was not realised, and
proper steps to preserve the copper plates or at least to take an accurate estampage of the
same were not taken. The original plates are also not available in the office or in the
Museum and it is not known what happened to them. However, thanks to the good sense
of Sri V. Nagaraj, Photographer of the Department of Archaeology, Government of
Andhra Pradesh, an excellent set of photos of the plates was retained. The photo-
graphs of the plates give an excellent impression and the plates could easily be read with
the help of the photographs.

The inscription is written on five copper plates held together by aring. The plates
are rectangular in shape and measure each 6” in length and 2” in breadth. The outerside
of the first plate and the last side of the last plate have no writing but all other plates have
writing on both sides.

Since the originals are not available for examination, it is not possible to say,
whether the plates have raised rims or not. There is a hole about 0.4” in diameter in the
left side of the plates for the ring to pass through. The total weight of the plates is also
not known. There are in all 40 lines of writing in inscription, each side of the plate
having uniformly five lines of writing.

The characters belong to the 7th century archaic Telugu Kannada script, and
resemble closely those of many other Badami Western Chalukyan records that have been
discovered. The language of the record is Sanskrit, but the composer has committed
many mistakes in grammar and some times the anvaya has to be stretched in order to make
out the meaning. The grant was issued in Pravardhamana Rajya Vijaya Sri Varshéshtamé
i.e. in the eighth victorious year of the ruling reign. The grant was made on the occasion
of a solar eclipse on the amavasya day of the Jyeshtha month of the eighth year.

12 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

The details of the grant are given in lines 13 to 21. The grant was made immediately
after the conquest by seizure of Pishtapuraka (Pishtapurakadanagrahananantaryena) ५
After the seizure by capture of Pishtapuraka the king was living at Kallura and while living
there the grant was made on the occasion of a solar eclipse on the amavasya of the Jyéshta
month. The purpose for which the grant was made is contained in lines 15 to 21 of the
grant. The grant was made in order to fulfil the ‘Samkalpa Siddhi’ or the vow to please
the guru (Swaguru Samudartham) of the first queen (Agra Mahadevi) named Kadamba
Mahadevi of the king. The queen is described in the grant as possessing such good qualities
like political wisdom, humbleness, charity and good conduct, asthe famous woman like
Savitri, Suvarchala, Arundhati, Swaha and Sachi. Thus one of the objects of the grant was
to fulfil the Samkalpa Siddhi or the vow to please the Swaguru or the teacher or the father
of the queen.

The other object of the grant is given in lines 18 to 21 of the plate which say that
it was also made (anyachcha) in order to confer perpetual benefit (Akshaya Phala) on the
Alüka Maharaja who had accepted on the king's behalf (Madartham) the overlordship of
Kallüra ( Kallura Devathvam) after having given up completely all enjoyment and protection
for himself, and after having come there from Mangalapura without counting the
difficulties or the Duhkhas of travel full of Vishama (ups and downs) Vikrishta (protracted)
Advana Pravasa (having to live without proper food etc.) and Pratyavaya (encountering
dangers). Thus the grant was made for two purposes viz. to fulfil the vow to please the
Swaguru of the queen Kadamba Mahadevi and also to confer eternal benefit upon Aluka
Maharaja who had come from Mangalapura and had accepted on behalf of the king the
overlordship of Kallüra, without caring for his own affairs or for self protection, and with
out caring for all the difficulties and dangers of a difficult travel like travelling in a rugged
country in a protracted manner fullof dangers and living without proper food. For
these two purposes the grant was made by the king of the village Marutüru to the eleven
brahmins mentioned in the grant.

The grant is a peculiar grant and gives details not usually found in other grants. The
grant starts with the Prasasti of the king Sri Prithvi Vallabha Maharaja, though it is not
in the usual form found in the other copper plate grants. However, many phrases that are
used to describe the king in this Prasasti bear close similarity to the Prasasti of king
Mangalesa in the Mahakita pillar inscription‘.

The king is described as a veritable Sun or Bhaskara who was adorned by the Guna
Gabhasti Mala or the rays made of good qualities in the Nabhastala or the sky of the
Chalukya kula. The Chalukyan line of kings is described as meditating on the feet of Lord
Mahaséna as belonging to the Manavyasa Gotra and as being the sons of Hariti. The king is

1. Indian Antiquary, Vol, XIX, p. 18.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 13

described as meditating upon the feet of his father and mother Mata Pitru Padanudhyatah.

He is next described with the phrase Ripu Jana Mriga Kula Bhaya Janana Vahana Vara
Charana Chara Amala Nayanah. A similar description occurs in the Mahaküra Pillar ins-
cription of Mangalésa where the phrase used is Ripu Jana Mukha Kula Bhaya Jana Sandoha
Bala Chara Sévarka Amala Nayanah. There is thus a slight difference between the phraseo-
logy between these two versions. The phrase as it stands in the present grant would appear
to describe the blemishless eyes or the Amala Nayana of the king which cause fear (Bhaya
Janana) to the enemies (Ripu Jana) who are contemptuously equated with animals or
Mriga Kula. The two eyes of the king which thus strike terror into the enemies are the
‘Vahana’ or the cavalry and the ‘Charana Chara’ or the infantry.

The king is next described with the phrase Sauryogra Damshtra Pratapa Virya Vego-
dyata Nripati Simha Simha Vikrantah’. A similar phrase occurs in the Mahaküta Pillar
inscription! as follows: ‘Sauryogra Hasta Pratapa Virya Vegodhrita Nripati Simhah’. Here
also there is a slight difference in the phraseology employed. The phrase as it stands
means that the king is compared to a valorous lion, which had uplifted (Udyata) the other
‘Nripati Simhas’ or kings who are like lions, by the valour, the strength and the speed of
his terror-striking Damshtra or the front tooth. The king is also said to have earned his
kingdom with the valour of his own arms (Sva Bahu Bala Samarthyoparjita Rajya
Sampannah ).

Then comes a long Prasasti and the king's body is said to be embellished with such
good qualities like Naya (political wisdom), Vinaya (humility), Vignana (knowledge),
Dana (gift), Daya (sympathy), Dakshinya (considerateness), Mathi (intellect), Bala
(strength) Utsaha (enthusiasm), Dhairya (bravery), Sthairya (steadfastness), Madhurya
(sweetness), Gambhirya (grandeur), Virya (heroism), Tyaga (renunciation), Brahmanyata
(leadership) and similar other qualities. This phrase also reminds one of a similar
phrase in the Mahakata Pillar inscription' where the king is described as ‘Naya Vinaya
Vigiana Dana Daya Dakshinya Sampannah’ .

Next the king is described in the phrase ‘Krittilaka Bhitah’. The Mahaküta Pillar
inscription! contains the phrase ‘ku Tilaka Bhutah’ which has been translated as an
ornament among the whole earth, the Kuh meaning the earth. However, the phrase here
is *Krittilaka Bhatah’ and can appropriately be interpreted as 'Kritam Tilaka Bhitah’ or as
an ornament among people who are adepts at their work. The phrase ‘Krittilaka Bhütah'
is a more appropriate and apt phrase than ‘Ku Tilaka Bhatah’.

He is next said to remember the good deeds (Sukritam Smarta) and forget all bad
deeds (Dushkritam Vismarta). The five senses of his body are described as having been
brought completely under control [ Nirupahata (Nitaram Upahata) Panchéndriya Sarirah].

1, Indian Antiquary Vol. XIX, p. 18,

14 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

His glory is next described. Itis stated that his glory is so white, that it ridicules as it
were, the white glory of the rays of the blemishless Moon (Sasa Lanchana) of the Sarat,
month. (Saradamala Sasa Lanchana Marichi Samhati Dhavalacchayopahasita Yasah). This
glory is said to have been obtained by the victory over his enemies, whose kingdoms were
surrounded by the Jalanidhi or the oceans which are full of thousands of rows of waves
being broken up by the wind (Pavana Chalita Uttunga Bhanga Tarangavali Sahasrakirna
Jalanidhi Valayatikranta Ripu Mandalah). Then follows half a verse which says that the
king was ruling like Vainya or Prithu Maharaja himself, and had wiped off by the rays of
his own good qualities the Tamas or darkness. The Prasasti portion ends here and then
the details of the grant follow.

The king in the eighth victorious year of his reign had made the grant immediately
after the conquest by seizure of Pishtapuraka. The phrase used is Pishtapurakadana Grahana-
nantaryena. Adana means a seizure and Grahana means a capture and Anantaryena means
immediately after. This phrase therefore, clearly proves that the grant was given immedi-
ately after Pishtapuraka was captured. The king was present at Ка аға at the time of the
grant (Kallara Puravasthitena). The grant was made on the occasion of a solar eclipse at
the Amavasya of the Jyeshtha month. The purposes for which the grant was made are next
given. The first is that the king wanted to do the Samkalpa Siddhi Samruddhi or the
fulfilment of a vow in order to please the Swaguru or the preceptor or father (Swaguru
Samudardham ) of the first queen by name Kadamba Mahadevi ( Kadamba Namadhéya Agrama
Mahadevyah). The queen is described as possessing qualities like good conduct (Sausilya)
Naya (political wisdom), Vinaya (humility), Dana (gifts), Sadvritta or good proclivities and
Adara (sympathy) etc. іп а like measure to the famous matrons like Savitri, Suvarchala,
Arundhati, Swaha and Sachi. Thus one of the objects of the grant was to fulfil the vow of
the first queen who wanted to please her Swaguru. Another object of the grant is next
described. In line 18 the word Anyachcha occurs which means ‘in addition to’, The grant
was, therefore, also made for the Akshaya Phala or the eternal benefit of Alaka Maharaja
(Aluka Maharajasya Akshaya Phalo Bhavatvayamiti) who had obtained the overlordship
of Kallüra ( Kallura Devatvam Upagatah) on behalf of the king (Madartham). This Aluka
Maharaja is also described as having given up the enjoyment of his own affairs, as having
disregarded all measures for the protection of himself (Sva Vishayopa Bhoga Rakshana
Vidhi Vidhananyapahaya) and as having come from Mangalapura (Mangalapuradagamya),
without counting or caring for the difficulties (Duhkhanyaganayan ) like Vishama (rugged-
ness) Vikrishta (protractedness) Adhvana Pravasa (living without proper food etc.) and
Prtayavaya (dangers inherent in a difficult journey). This grant had thus a two-fold
purpose viz. to fulfil the vow of the queen to please her preceptor or father and also to
confer eternal benefit on the king’s friend Aluka Maharaja who had come from Mangalapura

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 15

and accepted the overlordship of Kallura on behalf of the king, in spite of the fact that
he had to undergo a lot of hardships on the route and had to disregard his own protection
and enjoyment of his own affairs.

The object of the grant is quite interesting. There is a little grammatical mistake in
the grant, since the entire sentence would have as its subject, the Raja, the object being the
grant of the village Marutaru. The sentence runs as ‘Sa Raja Gramam Dattavan’. If so,
the Tritiya Vibhakti used to describe the king as “Кайта Puravasthiténa’ and ‘Samruddhim
Гра Kurvaia’ etc. are not quite apt. It would have been grammatically more correct if
these two phrases had also been put inthe Prathamavibhakti itself. However reading the
grant as a whole, we have to insert a word like ‘Svéna’ some where in order to make the
Anvaya complete.

The names of the grantees, their Gotras etc. are then given. The grant was made to
the following eleven brahmins.

(1) Jyeshtakonda Bhimaswamy of the Vasishtha Gotra well versed in the four Vedas.

(2) Janaswamy of the Bharadvajasa Gotra who was well versed in the four Vedas.

(3) Pandarangaswamy of the Bharadvajasa Gotra well versed in the four Vedas.

(4) Diwakara Swamy of the Gotamasa Gotra who is described as 'Asiti Tarkaka'.

(5) Bhojaswamy of the Agnivesya Gotra who is also described as Asiti Tarkaka.

(6) Revaswamy of the Kasyapa Gotra who is described as an Asiti Tarkaka.

(7) Janaswamy of the Bharadvajasa Gotra who is described as a Grihita Sahasra.

(8) Adityaswamy of the Kausikasa Gotra who is described as a Sahasra Tarkaka.

(9) Vishnuswamy of the Bharadvajasa Gotra who is also described as a Sahasra

Tarkaka.
(10) Vamaswamy of the Vasishtha Gotra.
(11) Gopaswamy of the Kasyapasa Gotra who is described as a Varnathraya Nivritta.

The words Asititarkaka and Grihita Sahasra etc. used are very interesting. They
probably refer to some proficiency in the Tarka Sastra. A$ititarkaka probably
means one who is well versed in the eighty branches of Tarka. Similarly the
word Grihita Sahasra probably means that he is proficient in a thousand branches of
learning. The words Grihita Sahasra and Asititarkaka are found in other grants like the
Peda Maddali Plates of Jayasimhavallabha-I' of the Eastern Chalukyan line where the
donee’s father is described as Grihita Sahasraya and the donee is described as Asititarkaka.
Hence this method of describing persons is a well established custom. One grantee Bhaja-
swamp is described as belonging to the Agnivésya Gotra. This is a rare name for any Gotra
and is very interesting. The last grantee Gopaswamy is described as Varnathryaya Nivritta.
The word Nivritta means accomplishment and achievement. Hence the compound may

1. Indian Antiquary Volume XIII. р. 137.

16 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

mean one who has achieved good results in all the learning of the three Varnas.

The grant ends with the usual imprecatory verses from the Vyasa Gita which are
described in the grant as being laid down in the Manava Dharma Sastra.

Pishtpuraka mentioned in the grant is the modern Pithapuram of East Godavari district
which was the capital of Véngi. Kallüra is probably to be identified with the modern
Kollar and Mangalapura with the modern Mangalagiri of Guntur district. The village
'Marutüru' actually granted is a famous village of Narasaraopet taluk of Guntur district.
The places fall within the Kamma Rashtra, corresponding to Guntur district.

The grant is a very important and interesting one from several points of view. The
following problems arise in connection with this.

(1) Who is the exact king who is described as Satyasraya Sri Prithvi Vallaba Maha-

raja who made the grant ?

(2) What is the exact date of the grant and is the eighth victorious year mentioned

in the grant to be reckoned from the date of accession of Pulakesin-II ?

(3) What bearing have the details given in the present grant on the chronology of

the Eastern Chalukyan line of kings?

(4) Is Kadamba Mahadévi who is described in the grant as the queen of the donor

viz. the king, a princess from the Kadamba line of kings ?

(5) Who is the Aluka Maharaja referred to in the grant ?

The first point to be determined in this grant is the identity of the king. The grant
mentions merely the name ‘Satyasraya Sri Prithvi Vallabha Maharaja’. The grant is
obviously one of Pulakesin-II of the Western Chalukyan kings of Badami, since the Biruda
Satyasraya Sri Prithvi Vallabha Maharaja is the Biruda generally used for Pulakesin-II only.
The following is a list of the important grants mentioning Pulakesin-1I with a descrption of
the titles by which he is described in them.

S. No. Description of the grant Description of the title,

1. Goa plates of Saka 532.! Sri Prithvi Vallabha Maharaia

Hyderabad Grant of Pulakesin-II Sri Satyasraya Prithvi Vallabha Maharaja
of Saka 534 expired.’ with the other name Paramésvara

2

3. Aihole Inscription of Saka 556 by The name Pulakésin and the title Satyasraya
Pulakesin-II.*

4. Timmapuram plates of Satyasraya Vallabha Maharaja

5

6

Vishnuvardhana.*
Kopparam plates of Pulakesin-IL.* Satyasraya Sri Pulakesi Prithvi Vallabha

Maharajah
Chipurupalli Grant.* Satyasraya Sri Vallabha Maharaja
1. Journal of the Bombay Branch, Royal Asiatic Society Vol. X Page 348.
2. Indian Antiquary Vol. VI p. 72.
3.- Indian Antiquary Vol. VIII p. 237. 5. Epigraphia Indica Vol. XVIII p. 257.
4. Epigraphia Indica Vo). ІХ р. 317. 6. Indian Antiquary Vol. XX p. 16.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 17

From the above it is clear that the appellation Satyasraya Sri Prithvi Vallabha
Maharaja clearly applies to Pulakésin-II only.

There is, however, one important point to be considered in this connection. The
other Prasastis of king Pulakesin-II do not employ the phraseology employed here, like
‘Sauryogra Damshtra Pratapa Vegodyata Nripati Simha, "Krittilaka Bhütah' etc. etc. These
phrases are found peculiarly in the Prasasti of the Mahakata Pillar inscription! of Manga-
lesa who immediately preceded Pulakésin-IJ. A doubt may therefore arise whether the
grant could not possibly be that of Mangalésa and not of Pulakesin-II. The only reason,
if at all, that can be adduced for identifying the grantor with Mangalésa is the similarity
of the phraseology in the Prasasti of the present grant with that of Mahakata pillar inscrip-
tion.: However, the grant would appear to be of Pulakzsin-II only and not of Mangalesa
for the following reasons.

(a) King Mangalesa has never been described as Satyasraya Sri Prithvi Vallabha
Maharaja though he has been given other titles of ‘Rana Vikranta’, ‘Uru Ranavik-
ranta’, ‘Prithvi Vallabha’, ° Sri Prithvi Vallabha? etc. in his other known
records.

(b) Though the phraseology employed in the present grant has a close resemblance
to that of the Mahakita Pillar inscription, still it differs from it, in material
points and also contains certain additional information. For example the
Mahaküta Pillar inscription‘ contains only the words ‘Naya Vinaya Vignana Dana
Daya Dakshiny@ etc. Неге in these plates, the same idea is continued and
several other qualities like Mati, Bala, Utsaha, Dhairya, Sthairya, Madhurya,
Tyaga are all added. The present grant also contains other phrases not found
in the Mahakata Pillar inscription’ like ‘Nirupahata Panchéndriya Sarirah’ etc.
Hence though there is some similarity with the Mahaküuta pillar inscription’, still
the phraseology is more advanced and contains more epithets than those in the
Mahaküta Pillar inscription.'

(c) The most important point against the identification of the grantor with
Mangalésais the fact that the present grant definitely mentions that the grant
was given immediately after the capture by seizure of Pishtapuraka ( Pishtapura
kadana Grahananantaryéna). King Mangalésa has never been known to have
come anywhere near Vengi. We learn from other records, that the strong
fort that was attacked by Mangalésa was Revati Dvipa which has been identified
with Redi a fortified promontory about 8 miles south of Vengurla in the Ratnagiri

1. Indian Antiquary Vol. XIX, p. 18.

18 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

district of Maharashtra‘. The Mahakuüta Pillar inscription’ which describes

him and his exploits in great detail gives reference to this and to his conquest
of a king called Buddha. If Mangalésa had conquered Pishtapuraka, then it
definitely would have been mentioned in his grants since it was an event of great
importance. Since we definitely know that Pishtapuraka was conquered by
Pulakesin-II only, the grantor cannot be identified with Mangalésa.

(d) The present grant clearly mentions ‘Aluka Maharaja’ with whom the grantor
was in obvious terms of friendship since one of the objects of the grant was
that it should confer eternal benefit upon him. The Mahakata Pillar inscription?
mentions that Kirtivarma the brother of Mangalesa conquered a number of
kings among whom were Alaukas also. The Aihole inscription? of Pulakesin-II
definitely mentions that both the Alapas and the Gangas were brought into a
state of submission. Thus if we identify the Alapas and the Alakas as one and the
same, itis more probable that the Alapas would have served faithfully and
loyally Pulakesin-II than Mangalésa who is not known to have had any dealing
with the A/upas at all. |

In view of the above and in view mainly of the two important factors viz. that the
title Satyasraya Sri Prithvi Vallabha Maharaja is generally applied only to Pulakésin-II and
that we also definitely know that Mangalésa never attempted the conquest of Véngi, it is
clear that the present grant is of Pulakesin-II only.

Let us now examine the second question raised above viz. what is the exact date of
the grant, and is the eighth victorious year mentioned in the grant to be reckoned from the
date of accession of Pulakesin-II. Since the grant mentions that it was issued in his eighth
victorious year, we have to calculate first the starting point of the reign of Pulakésin-II or
the starting point of the line of the Western Chalukyas of Badami and then calculate the
date of the present grant.

Fortunately for us the starting point of the reign of Pulakésin-II can be fixed with a
great deal of accuracy and precision. There is a copper plate grant issued from Hydera-
bad‘ which mentions that Pulakesin-II himself, at the city of Vatapi, which was the
capital of the Western Chalukyas of Badami granted a village by name Makarappi to a
brahmin on the occasion of an eclipse of the Sun on the new Moon day of the month
Bhadrapada in the third year of his Rajyabhisheka or installation which corresponded to
the Saka year 534 expired. The exact words used in the Hyderabad Grant are as follows :

Dr. Fleet, Dynasties of the Canarese districts, Page 347.
Indian Antiquary Vol. XIX, p.18.

Indian Antiquary Vol. VIII, p. 237.

Indian Antiquary Vol. VI - p. 72

ey

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 19

“आत्मनः प्रवर्धभान राज्यामिषेकसंवत्सरे तृतीये शक नृपतिसंवत्सरशतेषु चतुर्खिशाथिकेषु
Чач аң भाद्रपदामावास्यायां सूर्य ग्रहण निमित्तम्‌ |”

The above details give us a very accurate date viz. 534 Saka expired corresponding
to the 3rd year of the coronation of king Pulakésin-II when an eclipse of the Sun occurred
in the month of Bhadrapada.

The year corresponding to Saka 534 expired and the date corresponding to
Bhadrapada new Moon of that year were originally calculated as equivalent to 23rd
July, 613 A. D. when an eclipse of the Sun occurred. This was actually the original date
fixed by Dr. Fleet while editing those plates. But while studying certain other grants,
Dr. Fleet himself came to the view, that so far as the reckoning of the years according to
the Hindu calendar goes, the Saka year is always mentioned as an expired year, and that
to obtain the current corresponding year equivalent, to current Saka year, the additive
quantity should be 77-78 and not 78-79 as is usually supposed.' In this view Dr. Fleet
had himself revised his earlier date of 23rd July, 613 A.D. and had fixed the year
corresponding to 534 Saka as 2nd August, 612 A. D., when no doubt an eclipse of the Sun
in the month of Bhadrapada occurred, but unfortunately it was not visible anywhere in
India. Since this was the third year of the coronation of the king, Dr. Fleet had fixed the
coronation of Pulakesin-1I on some day between Bhadrapada Sukla 1, of Saka 532 current,
up to the Parnimanta Bhadrapada Krishna 15, the new Moon day of Sam. 533 current,
corresponding to some date between 609 A. D.—610 A. D.?

The late Sri B.V. Krishnarao who had worked at the problem of chronology of the
Eastern Chalukyas had criticised this view of Dr. Fleet* and had held that since eclipses
not visible in India or even invisible ina particular locality, are not occasions for the
ancient Hindu kings for any public or ceremonial acts, just as they are not at the present
day, the contention of Dr. Fleet that the Bhadrapada eclipse should be fixed as the invisible
eclipse of 612 A.D. cannot be accepted as correct, and that the original date of 23rd July,
613 A.D. when there was an eclipse of the Sun visible all over India should be accepted
as the correct date. To reconcile his view with that of Dr. Fleet, the late Sri B.V. Krishna-
rao had given a suggestion that the scribe of the Hyderabad grant of Pulakesin-II must
have made an honest mistake in writing down the year as 534 Saka expired when it ought
to have been written as 535 Saka expired.

There is, however, no convincing reason as to why we should presume that the’
scribe of the Hyderabad grant must have made a mistake, since the words given in the grant
are very clear. It is also clear that the date corresponding to the third year of the

1. Indian Antiquary Volume XVII—Page 208.
2. Indian Antiquary Volume XX—Page 14. А
3, Journal of Andhra Historical Research Society Volume ІХ, Part IV, Page 5.

20 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

coronation of Pulakesin-II should only be 23rd July, 613 A.D. and not 612 A.D. as revised
by Dr. Fleet, since as rightly pointed out by late Sri B. V. Krishnarao, Hindu ideas and
customs have not changed, and invisible eclipses have never been accepted as occasions
for ceremonies anywhere. Thus we have to reconcile 534 Saka year expired with 613 A.D.

The explanation seems to be obvious viz. that the grounds on which Dr. Fleet revised
his earlier date of 613 A.D. to 612 A.D. viz. are not wholly correct. According to
Dr. Fleet when any year is given in the Saka era, it must be taken to be the expired Saka
year if an addition of 78-79 is to be made. In this view the express mention in the
Hyderabad grant: viz. that the year is Saka 534 expired (the actual word used is avatitéshu)
is redundant. There is по reason to assume that this specific description is redundant
even as there is no reason to assume that the scribe had made a mistake.

The solution is simple. Saka year according to Hindu reckoning is always an
expired year as rightly pointed out by Dr. Fleet. Thus saka 534 if expressed only as such,
would certainly correspond only to 612 A.D. since a saka year is always an expired year.
But here Saka 534 is not mentioned only as Saka 534, but expressly as 534 Saka expired.
The obvious intention is that the Saka year 534 (which when described without any
adjectives would by itself also mean an expired year) has also expired. In other words
the word 'avatitéshu' is not a redundancy but is intended to make it clear that the expired
Saka year 534 (or the current Saka 535) had expired at the third year of the coronation
of Pulakésin-II. In this view, which conforms closely to the text without assuming either
a mistake on the part of the scribe as has been done by late Sri B. V. Krishnarao, or a
redundancy in describing the Saka year as ‘avatitéshu’ or ‘expired’ as has been assumed
by Dr. Fleet, the solution is clear viz. that the third year of Pulakésin’s coronation corres-
ponds to the expired year of the expired 534 Saka year, or the expired year of the current
535 Saka year, which will take us to 613 A.D. Hence the date of the Hyderabad grant:
can without doing violence to the language of the grant, or without violating any of the
Hindu customs, may safely be fixed as the 23rd July, 613 A. D. Thus the coronation of
Pulaketin-II should have occurred three years earlier to this.

We have now to determine the date of the present Marutüru grant. The date is given
in the grant as “‘Pravardhamana Rajya Sri Varshéshtame, Jyeshthamasasya Amavasyam, Sürya
Grahane"'or the date of the grant corresponds to a solar Jyeshrha eclipse in the eighth victorious
year of the king. Before going to the question of the actual date we have to see whether
the Jyeshtha month quoted above is an Amanta or a Pürnimantà month.

There are two methods of reckoning the months as well as two methods of reckoning
the years with the starting point of the months. The first is the reckoning of the year by
solar months which is prevalent in Tamilnad, whereas in Andhra the reckoning is done

1. Indian Antiquary Vol. VI p. 72

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 21

by lunar months, or to describe it more correctly, by the luni-solar months, since unlike
the muslim reckoning of the periods of time, these luni-solar months are regulated by
the movements of the Sun, and are also tied to the divisions of the solar year. The lunar
month has its name determined by the next following Solar Sankranti, and if there are any
two such months one is called the Adhika Masa and if the converse is the case, it is called
the Kshaya Masa. Тһе luni-solar method of reckoning the months has been in vogue in
Andhra area from a very long time.

With regard to the reckoning of the starting point of the month also, there are two
systems viz. the 4manta and the Parnimanta. Тһе Amanta system begins with the Sukla 1,
after Amavasya i.e. with the bright fortnight and the Parnimanta system starts with Krishna
(41-1 after Parnima i.e. with the black fortnight. As such every second or dark fortnight of
the Amanta month becomes the first fortnight of the Pürnimanta month. For example,
Purnimanta Chaitra would begin with Krishna di-1 of Amanta Phalguna, and Pürnimanta
Vaisakha with Krishna di-1 of Amanta Chaitra and so on. Thus it may be seen that the
bright fortnight above is common to both the Amanta and the Parnimanta systems.

Whatever may be the custom prevalent in Northern India or even in Karnataka, so
far as the Andhra area is concerned, the system that has been generally prevalent is only
the Amanta system of reckoning the months. A clear proof of this is given by a grant of
Vishnu Vardhana-I or Kubja Vishnu Vardhana the younger brother of Pulakesin-I] in his
Chipurupalli grant.' This grant was made on the eighteenth regnal year of Vishnu Vardhana
at the time of a lunar eclipse in the month of Sravana. The grant gives the date in nume-
ral figures at the end of the charter which Dr. Fleet has read as Sam. 18, Ma. 4, DI. 10
5 (=15). If Sravana is taken to bea Pürnimanta month, then the date should be 30th and
not 15th and the month should be 5 and not 4 as given in the charter. These discrepancies
will immediately be resolved if the month is taken to be an Amanta month. In this view,
the grant was made in the 18th regnal year on the 15th day after four months had elapsed
in the month of Sravana on the 15th day of the bright fortnight at the time of a lunar eclipse.
Thus the Chipurupalli plates! of Vishnu Vardhana-I as also the details given in the British
Museum Plates of Атта-П, Vijayaditya make it absolutely clear that the Amanta and not
the Pürnimanta system was generally in vogue in the Andhra area, though the Parnimanta
system was also rarely used as in the grants of Chalukya Jayasimha-I.*

As such the Jyeshthamasa solar eclipse mentioned in the present Marutüru grant can
only be an eclipse of the Sun in the Amanta month of Jyéshtha. It is seen that from 607 to
632 A.D. which corresponds roughly to about 25 years after the date of accession of
Pulakesin-II that an Amanta Jyeshtha solar eclipse occured only on 21st May 616 A.D.

1. Indian Antiquary, Vol. XX, p. 16,
2. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXXI, p. 129.

22 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

Hence this is the date of the grant and since the grant mentions the year as the 8th victorious
year of Pulakésin-II this year should be the eigth year of Pulakesin-II and should tally with,
the date of his coronation mentioned in the Hyderabad grant.

We have now to reconcile this date viz. 21st May, 616 A.D. corresponding to the
eighth year of Pulakesin-II with the 23rd July, 613 A.D. mentioned above corresponding
to the 3rd year of the coronation of Pulakesin-II. Superficially it might appear
that there is а difference of two years in between these two years. But the discrepancy
will disappear if we consider the following fact. The date of cornation of the king
need not necessarily correspond with the starting point of any year in any era. Counting
a regnal year is different from counting the years that had expired from the date
of coronation. In this view if 23rd July 613 had been the third expired year of
the coronation of Pulakesin-II, his accession might have happened somewhere in 609 A.D:
and still 613 A.D. would be the third expired year of his coronation date. If 609 A.D. is
the starting point of his reign and it is considered asthe first year of his reign then 616
A.D. would be the eighth regnal year of Pulakesin-II and would tally with the details
given in the present grant. Hence we may safely conclude that Saturday the 21st May
616 A.D. corresponding to the eighth regnal year of Pulakesin-II, is the date of the grant
since that is the only year in the early part of the reign of Pulakesin-II where an Amanta
Jyeshtha solar eclipse had occurred. Even according to the Parnimanta system of reckoning
there was no eclipse at all between 608 and 626 A.D. In fact May 21st 616 A.D. is the
only year where а Jyeshrha solar eclipse either according to the Amanta or Pürnimanta
system had occurred and hence there is no doubt that this is the year of the Maruturu grant.
In this connection we may note that 23rd July A.D. 613 corresponding to the third year of
the coronation of Pulakesin is determined according to the Pürgimanta system.This corona-
tion occurred in Vatapi which is in the Karnataka area with its leanings towards Western .
Deccan, whereas the present grant is very much in Andhra, having been given in Guntiir
district. As stated above whatever might have been the method of reckoning in the north
or in the Western Karnataka region, in Andhra, the system of reckoning the months has
always generally been the Amanta system, and hence even though 613 A. D. the date of
coronation is reckoned according to ће Purnimanta system, still the date of the present
grant which was given in ‘Kamma Rashtra’ of the Guntur district of Andhra, must definitely
be computed only according to the Amanta system of reckoning, since the details etc. would
have been recorded in the grant, according to the local customs prevalent at the parts, and
not according to the customs prevalent at the distant headquarters of the king.

The second and very important question which the present grant poses is the bearing
which the present grant has upon the chronology and the starting point of the Eastern
Chalukyan line of kings. It may be remembered in this connection that Pulakésin-II con-

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 23

quered Vergi or the coastal districts of Andhra Desa and sent his brother Kubja Vishnu
Vardhana there as his viceroy and that Kubja Vishnu Vardhana was the founder of the
Eastern Chalukyan line, known as the Eastern Chalukyan dynasty which held sway for
nearly four centuries over the costal districts of Andhra. The exact starting point of the
Eastern Chalukyan chronology has been the subject matter of great doubt and discussion
among scholars. We have now to examine whether the further details given in this grant
viz. that Pulakesin-II was definitely present at Véngi at the eighth year of his reign i.e. in
616 A.D. and in fact that the conquest of Pishtapuraka occurred in that year, has a bearing
upon that problem or not.

Four scholars have worked at the problem of the Eastern Chalukyan chronology
with different results. Dr. Fleet was the first to work on this in a systematic manner,
and he came to the conclusion that the Eastern Chalukyan chronology should be deemed
to have started in 615 A. D. which should be deemed as the first year of the rule of Kubja
Vishnu Vardhana, Dr. Fleet had remarked thus:

‘The historical event which gave the starting point was the installation of Kubja
Vishnu Vardhana-I not as the Maharaja or the independent ruler of a separate
kingdom, but as Yuvardja associated in the government with his elder brother
Pulakesin-II.'

While Dr. Fleet worked at the problem he did not have the evidence of Attili copper
plate grant of Chalukya Bhima-I.* In this grant the coronation date of the king has been
given as Saka 814 Mesha, Chaitra Monday corresponding to 892 A.D. According to
Dr. Fleet's chronology the initial date given by him to Chalukya Bhima was 888 A.D.
which will not tally with his date of coronation given in the grant. Moreover some other
details given in some other Eastern Chalukyan grants like the Chipurupalli grant? of
Vishnu Vardhana-I, the Кеуйғи grant* of Vishnu Vardhana-II etc. do not tally if the starting
point is 615 A.D. as determined by Dr. Fleet.

Rejecting the above date of Dr. Fleet, Sri Mallampalli Somasekhara Sarma has in
a very systematic and elaborate manner considered all the evidences that were available
to him and has fixed the starting point at 633 A.D. While arriving at this date he has
been guided by two important considerations. As he himself says,

‘Thus the framework of the scheme of the Eastern Chalukyan chronology is
securely screwed tight by—

Indian Antiquary Volume XX-Page 5,

C. P. 14 of 1917-18.

Indian Antiquary Volume XX. p. 16.

Indian Antiquary Volume VII. p. 186.

Journal of Oriental Research, Madras, Vol. IX, Part-I—Page 17.

сае

24 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

(1) the Kopparam plates which supply us with the date 631 A.D. for the conquest
of Vengi and

(2) the Madras Museum plates of Vishnu Vardhana-1lI which give the chronogram
‘Swadita’ answering to Saka 684, equivalent to 761 or 762 A.D. !

In other words Sri Mallampalli Somasekharasarma has procedeed solely on the premises
that the Kopparam plates of Pulakesin-II which give the year 631 A.D. must be taken to
be the earliest date for the conquest of Vengi by Pulakesin-II and acting on that
assumption, he has proceeded to build up the chronology and the genealogy of the
Eastern Chalukyan kings. Even here the date given by him viz. 633 A.D. does
not tally with the Rzyüru grant? of Vishnu Vardhana-II mentioned above. Also his scheme
does not take us to 892 A.D. as the date of Chalukya Bhima-I but overshoots the mark by
four years which he has tried to explain by a theory of conjoint rule of Vijayaditya-III and
Chalukya Bhima.

The late Sri B. V. Krishnarao has attempted a study of the chronology of the Eastern
Chalukyan kings. He has arrived at the date 624 A.D. basing himself mainly upon the
equation of the 18th year of the reign of Kubja Vishnu Vardhana-II where a Sravana solar
eclipse occurred‘ as corresponding to 641 A.D. Having accepted this date, he has procee-
ded to discus the other evidences that were available, which more or less tally with this
starting point except two important details viz.

1. Mattevada plates’ of Vishnu Vardhana-II which gives a Phalguna solar eclipse on
the new Moon tithi in the fifth year of the reign of Vishnu Vardhana-II. His date
of 624 A.D. will tally ony if the Phalguna mentioned in the grant is to be calcu-
lated as Purnimania Phalguna and notas Атата Phagluna which is the usual
custom prevalent in Andhra.

2. The date given by the chronogram ‘Swadita’ to Vishnu Vardhana-III correspon-
ding to Saka 684 or 762 A.D. does not tally with his initial date of 624 A.D.

Dr. М. Venkataramanayya who has written а book’ on the history of the Eastern
Chalukyan kingdom has accepted the date 624 A.D. though not for the reasons given by
late Sri B.V. Krishnarao. He has been mainly influenced by the details given in an epigraph
at Terala in the Palnad taluk of Guntur district dated in the fifth regnal year ofa Sarva-
lokasraya Vishnu Vardhana corresponding to Sunday Kartika, Suddha-5 of the cyclic year

Journal of Oriental Research, Madras, Vol. IX, Part-I—Page 31.

Indian Antiquary, Vol. VII - p. 186.

Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society, Vol, IX, Part IV - p. 1-32.
Indian Antiquary, Vol. XX - p. 16.

Indian Antiquary, Vol. VII, - p. 191, :

Madras Museum plates of Vishnuvardhana, Vol. III, C. P. No. 9 of 1916-17.
The Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi by Dr. N, Venkataramanayya.

CIN h ps D MS

(4) INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 25

Bahudhanya.

The dates fixed by Dr. Fleet are obviously not correct and they are now well
accepted as not correct. This however does.not detract from the value of the work done
by Dr. Fleet, since his was the first and most systematic attempt at fixing a regular
chronology of the Eastern Chalukyas. Thus there are only two other dates that are now
in the field viz. 633 A. D. of Sri Mallampalli Somasekhara Sarma and 624 A. D. of late
Sri B.V. Krishnarao and Dr. N. Venkataramanayya.

As stated above Sri Mallampalli Somasekhara Sarma had fixed his chronology
on the firm assumption that the Kopparam plates of Pulakésin-II? corresponding to 631
A.D. is the earliest evidence to the invasion of Vengi. However, the present Marutüru
grant clearly proves that in 616 A.D. corresponding to the eigth regnal year of Pulakesin-II
the invasion and conquest of Véngi had become an established fact. Pishtapuraka which
is the same as Pithapuram is mentioned in the grant. Mangalapura is probably the same as
Mangalagiri near Krishna river and is well known. Kollar which is also mentioned in the
grant is also a famous village in Guntur district and the village granted viz. Marusaru is
a well known village of Narasaraopet taluk of Guntur district. Hence there can possibly
be no doubt that in the eighth regnal year of the reign of Pulakésin-IJ the conquest of Vengi
had become an established fact as per this grant. In view of this evidence, the premises
on which Sri Mallampalli Somasekhara Sarma had worked viz. that the date furnished by
the Kopparam plates! should be deemed to be the earliest date for the invasion of Vengi have
to be revised.

Before proceeding to discuss the Eastern Chalukyan chronology further it will be
useful to have clearly in mind, the controversy regarding the identification of the king
and the regnal year in which the grant was issued of what is known as the Kopparam
plates? of Pulakesin-II. These plates were first publibed by Sri K.V. Lakshmanarao, and
have subsequently been edited by Dr. Hultzsch in Epigraphia Indica Volume XVIII page
258-59. These plates mention the grant of a field of 800 Nivartanas of land in the village
Irbuli of the Катта Rashtra, south of the village Kondaverpür and to the North of the
village of Virparu. Kondaverupur has been identified with Kondavidu and Virparu with
Vipparla both in Narasaraopet taluq of Guntur district. The villge Migamur mentioned
on the grant as the place of residence of the donee has been identified with the village
Mungamuru of Kandukur taluq of Nellore district. The plate gives the usual Western
Chalukyan Prasasti and introduces a great warrior Prthyi Duvaraja and the 13th line of
the grant contains the date of the grant as year 21, the month Kartika, Mahanavami and
Brihaspati Vara or a Thursday. The late Sri K. V. Lakshmanarao had identified the

1. No. 80 of 1929-30.
2, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XVIII - p 257.

26 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

Prithvi Duvaraja of these plates with the Satyasraya Dhruvarajendravarma of the Goa plates
and has come to the conclusion that the 21st year mentioned in the Kopparam plates
should be that of Dhruvaraja of the Goa plates. Since his 20th regnal year is known to be
Saka 532 or 610 A.D. by his Goa plates, the 21st year in the Kopparam plates has been
calculated by him to be 611 A.D. corresponding to 21st October which fell on a Thursday.

The above identification of Prithvi Dhruvaraja with the Satyasraya Sri Dhruvarajendra-
yarma of the Goa plates! is obviously far from correct since the Satyasraya Dhruvara jendra-
varma of the Goa plates is known by no other evidence, to have come anywhere near Andhra,
Dr. Hultzsch while re-editing these plates has correctly identified the Prithvi Duvaraja with
Prithvi Yuvará ja viz. Kubja Vishnu Vardhand himself and has held that the term Duvaraja
should be deemed to be a dravidian Tadbhava of Yuvara ja and hence has calculated the 21st
year to bethat of Pulakesin-II himself, equivalent to A.D. 631. Sri Mallampalli Soma-
sekhara Sarma while agreeing with Dr. Hultzsch has rightly pointed out? that the name
Satyasraya Dhruvarajendravarma contains three parts viz. Satyasraya, Dhruvara ja and
Indravarma and hence Indravarma is the son of Dhruvaraja who is the son of Satyasraya.
Therefore the Goa plates! must be deemed to have been given by Indravarma and not by
Dhruvaraja, and hence the identification of this Dhruvaraja with the Duvara ja of the Kopparam
plates is untenable.

The late Sri B. V. Krishna Rao has accepted, however, the identification of late
Sri K. У. Lakshmana Rao, possibly because the other theory viz. that the Dhruvaraja of the
Kopparam plates being the same as Kubja Vishnu Vardhana giving a date 631 A.D., would
go against his fixation of the initial date of the Eastern Chalukyan chronology at 624 A.D.

It is now fairly well established that the Kopparam plates are the plates of Pulakesin-II
himself and that the theory of Dr. Hultzsch is quite correct. It is a peculiar irony that the
Kopparam plates of Pulakésin-IJ have proved a stumbling block to both the scholars
Sri B. V. Krishna Rao and Sri Mallampalli Somasekhara Sarma in trying to fix the chrono-
logy of the Eastern Chalukyas. Sri Krishna Rao’s identification of Prithvi Duvara ja ' of the
Goa plates and taking the date as 611 A.D. is obviously untenable, while Sri Somasekhara
Sarma's theory of 631 A.D. as the earliest date of invasion of Vengi which has now been
disproved by the present grant which gives the date 616 A.D. as the date by which Vengi
had been fully conquered by РиаКезіп-П is also not correct. In view of the evidence of the
present grant, therefore, some rethinking has to be done on this problem.

In this connection, it would be useful to review, all the important grants that have
been given by Kubja Vishnu Vardhana and thereby try to formulate a theory which will satisfy

1. Journal of Bom. Br. Roy. As. Soc., Vol. X, - p. 365.
2. Journal of Oriental Research, Madras, Vol. IX, Part I, = p. 31.
3. J.A. H. R. S., Vol. IX, Part IV, - p. 10,

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 27

all the information. The important plates of Kubja Vishnu Vardhana are the following :

(a)

(b)
(c)

(d)

The Satara Plates: which record that ata place called Kurumarathi the younger
brother of Pulakesin-IT, Yuvara ja Vishnu Vardhana granted to some brahmins the
village of Alanda Thirtha on the south bank of Bhimarathi in the Srinilaya Bhoga.
The grant was done on the full-moon day of Kartika month in the eighth year
of Pulakesin-1I which would correspond to 31st October, 616 A.D.

The Kopparam Plates of Vishnu Vardhana already referred to which were granted
on а Kartika Mahanami corresponding to 21st regnal year of Pulakesin-IT*

The Chipurupalli Grant of Vishnu Vardhana given on the occasion of a lunar eclipse
in the 18th year on the Sravana month. It is in this grant that Vishnu Vardhana
calls himself for the first time as a Maharaja.*

The Timmapuram plates issued from Pishtapura Vasaka. In this grant Vishnu
Vardhana is given the titles Paramabhagavatha, Paramabrahmanya and Maharaja.*

Coupled with the present grant the following four important points can be gleaned
from all the grants.

(a)
(b)

In 616 A.D. corresponding to the eighth year of Pulakésin-II, Véngi had been
fully conquered as is seen from the present Maruturu grant of Pulakésin-II.

In the same year viz. 616 A.D. corresponding to the eighth year of Pulakesin-II,
Vishnu Vardhana was a Yuvara ja as is seen from his Satara grant.

In 631 A.D. corresponding to the 21st year of Pulakesin-II Kubja Vishnu Vardhana
was Yuvaraja of the Andhra area, as is seen from the Kopparam plates.

By the time of the Chipurupalli grant in his own year 18, Kubja Vishnu Vardhana
had assumed for himself the title of a Maharaja. The date of this has been
calculated to be 641 A.D. if 624 is taken to be the starting point of the Eastern
Chalukyan chronology.

From the above facts one point is clear viz., that somewhere between 616 A. D. and

631 A.D.

i.e., between the Marutüru and the Kopparam plates of Pulakesin-II, Vishnu

Vardhana had been appointed as a Yuvaraja or Viceroy of the Véngi area, and that Бу. the
time of the Chipurupalli grant,’ he had assumed full sovereignty since he has mentioned
himself as a Maharaja. Thus the conclusion is obvious, that a period of Viceroyalty
for Kubja Vishnu Vardhana in Vengi area is an absolute necessity, according to the data given
above, and hence we are forced to go back to the old theory of Dr. Fleet, viz., that the

——

= > 02 =

Indian Antiquary, Vol. XIX - p. 303.
Epigraphia Indica, Volume XVIII. p. 267.

. Indian Antiquary, Volume XX, p. 16.

Epigraphia Indica, Volume IX page 318.

28 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

cardinal point in reckoning the starting point of the Eastern Chalukyan dynasty should be the
installation of Vishnu Vardhana, not as a Maharaja or an independent ruler of a separate
kingdom, but as Yuvara ja associated in the Government with his brother Pulakésin-IT. The
date of this appointment of Kubja Vishnu Vardhana as Yuvaraja of Véngi should be between
the years 616 and 631 A.D., and since 624 A.D. arrived at on the basis of other evidence
as the most satisfactory year for this falls within the above mentioned limits, we may
conclude that in 624 A.D., Kubja Vishnu Vardhana must have been appointed as Viceroy or
Yuvaraja for the Vengi area, and that by 641 A.D. which is the date of the Chipurupalli
grant' he had assumed full sovereignty and called himself as Maharaja.

In this connection one important point which has upto now escaped the notice of all
scholars deserves serious consideration. Hitherto, it has been tacitly assumed that there
has been a formal division of the Véngi kingdom from the western Chalukyan kingdom at an
unknown date, and the problem has always been to find out what the starting point of this
was. The question has never been asked as to why there was any necessity at all for the so
called partition of Véngi as a separate kingdom under the Western Chalukyan kings. It is
not as if, Pulakesin-II was not a mighty warrior who found it difficult to manage his king-
dom including Vengi. He was a great warrior who built up his kingdom from the scratch
and gave victorious battle to Harshavardhana in the north, and held the vast empire іп а
close grip. It is therefore improbable to hold that such a king could not have administered
Vengi also as part of his kingdom and felt the need fora separate king. There is also по
valid reason forthcoming as to why we should think of independent sovereignty having been
conferred on his younger brother Kubja Vishnu Vardhana by Pulakesin-II in Vengi. On the
other hand, the present Marutür plates and the Kopparam plates make it clear that Kubja
Vishnu Vardhana was living only as Yuvaraja ora Viceroy, subordinate to his brother
Pulakésin-II іп the Vengi area. No one has asked the question as to why at a particular year
without any provocation whatsoever Kubja Vishnu Vardhana who was discharging his
duties as a Yuvaraja or Viceroy should have been invested with sovereign powers as a Maha-
raja. Such an act is not common in Indian History. We have therefore to find out some
other reason for the separation of the Eastern Chalukyan branch from the Western Chalukyan
line. A revolution of Kubja Vishnu Vardhana can be ruled out of account since he seems to
have been very loyal and also very affectionate towards his brother and calls himself as the
‘Priya Anuja' of his brother, in his grants. A careful perusal of the data given in the grants
gives us an important clue to the solution of this problem.

It will be seen from the above dates, that up to 621 A.D. viz upto the date of the
Kopparam plates Vishnu Vardhana was only a Yuvaraja and that for the first time he calls
himselfa Maharaja only in 641 A.D. in his Chipurupalli plates. No doubt in his Timmapuram

1. Indian Antiquary Vol. XX, p. 16.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 29

plates! also, he is called as Maharaja, but the date of this grant is not mentioned in it.
A close perusal of the details given in the Chipurupalli plates would reveal that he does not
mention the eighteenth year as the Pravarthamana Vijaya Rajya Samvatsare etc. which isa
common appellation for the reckoning of years. On the other hand the year is no where
mentioned in the grant itself, and is given at the very end in numerical letters only which
were noticed for the first time by Dr. Fleet? In fact Dr. Fleet first read it as 16, and later
corrected it as 18. The grant also mentions Satyasraya Prithvi Vallabha and gives the
various exploits of Kubja Vishnu Vardhana by which he earned the title of Vishamasiddhi and
only at the very end mentions that Vishnu Vardhana Maharaja granted the village. It is very
significant that the regnal year is not given in words as in Pulakesin's other records, and the
usual phrase Pravarthamana Vijaya Rajya Samvatsare is not mentioned in this grant at
all. It is obvious therefore that though this grant of Vishnu Vardhana was issued in 641 A.D.
with the appellation of Maharaja he was himself not quite certain about his title, and has not
mentioned his regnal year with the usual pharse Pravardhamana Vijaya Rajya etc. The
reason for this would become obvious if we bear in mind for a moment the course of history
in the Western Chalukyan country.

It is now well known that the last ruling years of King Pulakésin-II ended ina great
disaster. In retaliation for the defeat inflicted on them by Pulakesin-II in his earlier years
and especially to wipe off the disgrace which King Mahéndravarma of the Pallava line had to
sustain athishands the great Pallava King Mamalla Narasimha-I son of Mahendravarama
who is described in the Pallava records? as putting Pulakesin-II to flight in battle at Paryala,
Manimangala, Suramara and other places, as writing the word 'Victory' on his back as on
a plate, and as destroying the city of Vatapi, invaded the Western Chalukyan dominions
and attacked and burnt Badami. Pulakésin-II actually lost his life in this. This event has
to be placed somewhere between 634 A.D. and 655 A.D., because 634 A.D. is the date of
the Aihole Inscription* which gives a glowing reference to Pulakesin-II and 655 A.D. is the
earliest assignable data for Vikramaditya-I who succeeded Pulakesin-II. Between these two
dates i. e. 634 A.D. and 655 A.D. theinvasion of Vatapi by Mamalla Narasimha-I of the
Pallavas took place and Vatapi was burnt and Pulakesin-II was slain in the battle.

The Kaira grant of Vijayaraja or Vijayavarmara ja* which discloses the existence of a
family of the Chalukyas in Gujarat gives us a clue to fix the date of the fall of Pulakesin-IT.
This grant gives no indication as to the relationship between Jayasimha and the Chalukyas
of Badami and Dr. Fleet working on this omission to indicate the relationship or to make

Epigraphia Indica Vol. IX p, 318.
India Antiquary Vol XX p. 16.

South Indian inscriptions Vol I, p. 152.
Indian Antiquary Vol. УШ, p. 237.
Indian Antiquary-Volume VII, p. 241.

“ымы

30 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

any reference at all to the paramount line has come to the conclusion that at the time when
this charter was issued the Western Chalukyas of Badami had already experienced disaster,
and that the Chalukyas of Gujarat while not exactly prepared to assert independence were in
doubt as to what supreme authority they should recognise.’ Since the date of his grant
is ascertainable as 9th April 643 A.D., Dr. Fleet has come to the conclusion that the sack
of Badami and the disaster and death of Pulakesin-II must have occurred before 643 A.D. i.e.
somewhere in 641 or 642 A.D. After this, there was an interregnum in the power of the
Western Chalukyas.

If we now compare the date 641 A.D. the date of the death and disaster of Pulakésin-II
at the hands of Narasimhavarma-I of the Pallavas we find that it is exactly equivalent to the
Chipurupalli grant? of Kubja Vishnu Vardhana where he also haltingly made a reference to
himself as Maharaja in 641 A.D. The story now becomes very clear. What has happened
to the Gujarat line of Chalukyas has obviously happened to the Andhra line of Chalukyas or
the Eastern Chalukyas in 641 A.D. when Pulakesin-II fell and Vatapi was burnt. Just as the
Chalukyas of Gujarat line claimed independence, the Chalukyas of the Andhra line or the
Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi also proclaimed their independence on the death of Pulakzsin-II
and the eclipse of the power of the Western Chalukyas of Badami. Thus it was in 641 A.D.
when Pulakesin-II fell, that Vishnu Vardhana issued his Chipurupalli charter, where he makes
a very halting and modest reference to himself just as a Maharaja and does not refer to the
year as the “Pravarthamana Vijaya Rajya Samvatsaré’’, since by that time his reign had not
firmly been established. He only gives а reference to the 18th year of his rule over the
coastal districts counting his rule as a Viceroy also.

There is thus no necessity to postulate a formal separation of the Eastern Chalukyan
line from the Western Chalukyan line and the investiture with full sovereign powers on
Kubja Vishnu Vardhana while Pulakesin-II was alive. Such an act would go against the
supreme authority of Pulakesin-I], and is also very rare in history. On the other hand the
assumption of independence on the death and destruction of Pulakesin-II by Vishnu Vardhana
would be the most natural thing in the world, and in fact has happened to Gujarat line of
Chalukyas also. Hence there is no necessity at all іо postulate a formal division of the
kingdom of the two lines. It is enough if we conclude that in 641 A.D. when Pulakesin-II
fell, Kubja Vishnu Vardhana assumed the title of Maharaja and started issuing charters
in his own name and counted the years that he had spent as Yuvaraja under Pulakesin-II as
the years of his rule.

From the evidence given above we would therefore be safe in concluding that by
616 A.D. Vengi had been conquered by Pulakesin-II and that Vishnu Vardhana had not by

1. Dynasties of the Kanarese districts, Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. II, - p. 360.
2. Indian Antiquary, Vol. XX, - p. 16.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 21

that date come as Viceroy to Véngi since in the same year we know from his Satara grant
that he was working as Viceroy in that area. Before 631 A.D. which is the date of the
Kopparam plates Vishnu Vardhana had been installed as Viceroy in Véngi. His installation
can therefore have occured between these two dates viz. 615 A.D. and 631 A.D. and since
624 A.D. which falls within this interval satisfies all the major ingredients of the other data
given in the other Eastern Chalukyan grants we would not be far wrong in assuming that in
624 A.D. he was installed as Yuvaraja in Vengi.

The above theory will not go against the evidence of the Kopparam plates which
mention him as Yuvardja and for which reason Sri B. V. Krishna Rao had to argue at
great length to identify its donor with Dhruvara ja of Goa plates since Kubja Vishnu Vardhana
would be ruling still only as Yuvaraja till 641 A.D. when Pulakesin-II fell and the Western
Chalukyan kingdom was reduced to ashes and there was a great gap of 12 years in the
Chalukyan rule till 655 A.D. when Vikramaditya-I son of Pulakesin-II rose again. Kubja
Vishnu Vardhana assumed independence and full sovereignty just as the Gujarat line of
Chalukyas round about 641 A.D. Though in 641 A.D. Vishnu Vardhana assumed the title of
Maharaja still he counted the total number of years that he had been ruling over Véngi as
his total years, and hence the Eastern Chalukyan chronology can be said to start with
624 A.D. with Kubja Vishnu Vardhana as Yuvaraja who assumed full titles as Maharaja in
641 A.D. after the fall of Pulakesin-II.

This supposition curiously is in exact conformity with the theory of Dr. Fleet who
had independently come to the conclusion that the historical events which had started the
Eastern Chalukyan dynasty should be the installation of Vishnu Vardhana as Yuvara ja and
not asa Maharaja. The above theory also fully explains away all the difficulties that had
been felt by the other scholars. Itis also in conformity with normal and natural course
of events, since when the central empire fell and there was chaos and confusion, it was
only natural for the outlying provinces to assert their independence under their own
rulers. Otherwise the theory of conferment of full powers as an independent sovereign on
Kubja Vishnu by Pulakesin-II would not be in accordance with normal practice.

624 A.D. as the starting point of the eastern Chalukyan chronology is the only date
that will satisfy all the ingredients given in Reyuru grant of Vishnu Vardhana-II who was
the fourth King of the eastern Chalukyan genealogy making allowance for a rule of 7 days
for the rule of Indrabhattaraka. The other dates suggested by Sri Mallampalli Somase-
khara Sarma viz 633 A.D. will not satisfy the details of this important date. Since this grant
is one of the very early grants nearest in the time to. Kubja Vishnu Vardhana itis necessary
that any date arrived at by us should closely correspond оў this and hence this supports 624

1. Indian Antiquary Vol, XX p. 5.
2. Journal of Oriental Research of Madras Vol. IX, Part 1. p. 17 ff.

32 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

A.D. as the starting point of Eastern Chalukyan line. There is one important factor which
might go against the date 624 A.D. viz the date 762 A.D. given to Vishnu Рағаһапа-ПІ by
the chronogram ‘“Swadita’’.. Тһе Eastern Chalukyan grants give a total period of 18
years for Kubja Vishnu Vardhana, 33 years for Jayasimha Vallabha-I, seven days for
Indrabhattaraka, 9 years for Vishnu Vardhana-II, 25 years for Mangi Yuvaraja, 13 years for
Jayasimha Vallabha-1I, six months for Kokkili and 37 years for Vishnu Vardhana-HI. Assuming
the starting point as 624 A.D. we would get 758 A.D. as the closing point of the reign of
Vishnu Vardhana-III, whereas the **Swadita" ' chronogram gives 762 A.D. as belonging
to Vishnu Vardhana-III. There is thus a discrepancy of four years. It is not, however,
very difficult to adjust the period of four years over a total of 140 years, especially if
we do not assume that the coronation year of a king’s reign is reckoned as the
starting point of the next king. The ''Swadita" chronogram in my opinion is not a great
point that can go against the date 624 A.D. especially since 624 A.D. practically satisfies
all other ingredients in all other grants. The Mattewada grant of Vishnuvardhana-II will be
satisfied only if we assume a Pürnimanta Phalguna month, and not an Amanta month, and
from the grants of Chalukya Jayasimha-I, we see that the Purnimanta system, was also in
vogue, though rarely. We can therefore accept 624 A.D. asa firm date for the starting
point of the Eastern Chalukyan Dynasty.

If this is accepted, as it has to be, then we have from the Pamidimukkala grant of
Vishnu Vardhana-II? that land to the extent of twelve Khandikas was given on the occasion
of an eclipse of the moon on the full moon day of Kartika in an unspecified regnal year to
a Brahmin Kutthisarman, a resident of Orodu. Since Vishnu Vardhana reigned for only
9 years and since there were only two eclipses of Kartika full moon in 673 A.D. and 682
A.D. during this period we can accept September, 673 A.D. as the date of this eclipse,
since the other year would be beyond his reign. If this is done, then Jayasimha-I his
immediate predecessor should have started his reign in the month of Asvayuja of 563 Saka
expired corresponding to September, 641 A.D. The date of Chipurupalli grant of Vishnu
Vardhana-I corresponds to 641 A.D., and in that year Vishnu Vardhana's successor viz. Jaya-
simha had also come to the throne. We are thus able to fix precisely the end of the reign of
Vishnu Vardhana-I as somewhere between July and September 641 A.D.

One important and interesting point emerges out of this. Three events have happened
іп 641 A.D. The sack of Vatapi and destruction of Pulakesin-I] occurred in 641 A.D.
Kubja Vishnu Vardhana assumed the title of Maharaja and issued his Chipurupalli grant? in
his name corresponding to his 18th year in 641 A.D. Kubja Vishnu Vardhana’s successor

1. C. P. No 9 of 1916—17.
2. C.Ps. Nos. 15 and 16 of 1916-17: See A. R. E. 1917, page 8, page 115-116.
3. Indian Antiquary Vol. XX, p. 16. š

(5) INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 33

Jayasimha Vallabha-I has succeeded him and come to the throne in 641 A.D. From the
above three facts we can conclude that somewhere in 641 A.D. when Pulakésin-II was
destroyed and Vatapi fell, and a great confusion arose in the Western Chalukyan territory,
Kubja Vishnu Vardhana assumed full royal powers over Vengi. It is quite probable that
when a great disaster was upon his brother, Kubja Vishnu Vardhana could not have kept
quiet but would have rushed to the help of his brother and he too must have probably fell
in the some onslaught against the Pallavas since his successor had come to the throne in
641 A. D. This is the only probable solution of the date 641 A. D. which sees the close
of the reigns of Pulakésin-IJ, as well as that of Kubja Vishnu Vardhana of the Eastern
Chalukyan dynasty.
The present grant refers to the queen of Pulakésin-II in the following words:

“सावित्री सुवर्चलारुन्धती स्वाहा शची सम सौशील्य नय विनयदान सदूवृत्तादरादिरनेक सद्गुणरपह-
तमनस्क कदन्ब नामधेम्राग्रमहा देव्या |”?

From the above and from the phrase ‘Kadamba Namadhéya Agra Mahadévya’ it is
clear that the Kadamba Mahadevi was the first queen of Pulakesin-Il. It is quite possible
that he might have had other queens also but whether the Kadama Mahadévi is a queen
of Kadamba clan is a matter which cannot be settled now.

In the Aihole inscription! of Pulakesin-Il, it is stated that after dealing with his
enemies Appayika and Govinda, Pulakesin turned his attention to the Kadamba capital
Vanavasi, which according to the poet Ravikirti the composer of the Aihole inscription
‘rivalled the seat of the Gods in its wealth and was adorned by a girdle of stones sporting
on the high waves of Varada river’. The fact that the Kadambas ceased to be a
considerable power from this date, shows that Pulakésin’s campaign against them was a
complete success. It is just possible that with the complete subjugation of the Kadamba
territory into his own, Pulakésin might have entered into matrimonial alliances with them
and married a Kadamba princess.

The present grant mentions an Aluka Maharaja for whose eternal benefit or Akshaya
Phala also, the grant was given. We have now to settle the identity of this Aluka Maharaja.
Fortunately for us two famous stone inscriptions supply us with some details on these viz.,
the Mahaküta pillar inscription? of Mangalésa and the Aihole inscription! of Pulakesin-IT.
The Mahaküta pillar inscription gives the victories of Kirtivarma which include the kings of
Anga, Vanga, Kalinga, Vattura, Magadha, Madraka, Kerala, Ganga, Мӣѕћака, Pandya,
Dramila, Chola, Alüka and Vaijayanti. Some of these territories lay to the north and east
and the exact location of the Alaka kingdom is not upto now settled. The Aihole inscription

1. Indian Antiquary Vol. VIII, p. 237.
2. Indian Antiquary Vol. XIX, p. 18.

34 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

of Pulakésin-IT mentions that though in former days they had acquired happiness by

renouncing the seven sins, the Ganga and А/ара lords, being subdued by his dignity were

intoxicated always by drinking the nectar of close attendance upon him. 'Gangalüpendra

Vyasanani Saptahitva, Puroparjita Sampadopi Yasyanubhava Upanatassadasanasanna Sévamruta.
Pana Saundah’, the idea being that though the two kings had renounced the vice of drinking

along with the other six vices long ago, they became intoxicated once again by drinking the

nectar of attending upon Pulakésin-IT. In other words, the Gangas and Alüpas had become

nearest friends and associates of Pulakésin-II and were always in attendance upon him.

In the Harihar grant of Vinayaditya dated in 694 A.D. the Alükas are again spoken of in

conjunction with the Gangas and are called as Aluvas and as being the hereditary servants

of the Western Chalukyan kings. Who the Alapas were is not precisely known, but since the

present grant mentions the Aluka Maharaja, who had rendered great service to Pulakesin-II
we may not be far from the fact in assuming that the Alapas mentioned in the Aihole ins-

cription, are the same as the Alukas of the Mahakita pillar inscription. If so, since the

present grant mentions that the A/uka Maharaja came from Mangalapura (which can be

identified with Mangalagiri in the modern Guntur district) and took up the overlordship of
Kallüra which is also іп that district, the Alakas or the Alapas would appear to be a small

ruling feudatory line of chieftains some where in the region of Guntur district.

The present grant is a very important one since it establishes that by 616 A.D. the
conquest of Vengi by РшаКебіп-П had become an established fact. This and the Kopparam
plates' conclusively prove that in the first two decades of the seventh century itself, the
Guntur-Nellore region had been fully conquered by Pulakesin-II, and the Pallava king
Mahendravarman, must have been deprived of these territories during the early part of the
reign of Pulakesin-II. The phrase *Pishthapurakadanagrahananantaryena! goes to prove that
the conquest of Véngi did occur in 616 A.D. itself. The king is described as granting the
village from Kallura and the Aluka Maharaja for whose benefit also the grant was made is
said to have come from Mangalagiri is modern Guntur District and Ка Аға is а well known
place in the Guntur District. The village that was granted, Marutiru is also very well
known in Narasaraopet taluk of Guntur district. This is one of the most important grants
for a study of the Western Chalukyan as well as the Eastern Chalukyan chronology and
history and it is a great pity that the original of the grant should have been allowed to be
lost without realising its importance.

1. Epigraphia Indica Vol. XVIII, p. 257.

TEXT AND PLATES
OF
THE MARUTURU GRANT OF PULAKESIN-II

36

COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

FIRST PLATE: SECOND SIDE

१, खामिमहासेनपदानुध्यातानां मानव्यसगोत्राणां हारीतीपुत्राणां चक्यः कुल
x. विपुलनभस्थलाक्रान्तगुणगभस्तिमालालंकृतभास्कर सत्याश्रय श्री प्रिथिवी
3. aR? वल्लभमहाराज: मातापितृपादानुध्यातः रिपुजनसृगकुल

?. भयजननवाहनवरच स्णन्नारामळनयनः शोय्यंग्रदमटूपता

ч; хе анааан fg विक्रान्त: खबाहुबलसामर्त्थ्यो

.SBCOND PLATE: FIRST SIDE

६. ` पाजितराज्यसम्पन्न: नयधिनयविज्ञानदानदयादा क्षिण्य
o, मतिबलोत्साहघैर्य्यखै्यमाधुय्यंगाम्भीर्य्य/वीर्य्यत्याग (परम) ब्रह्म
с. ण्यतादिरनेक' गुणगणाछंकृतशरीरः कृत्तिलकमूतः* sarai
९. wal दुष्कृतानां fast निरुपहतपन्चेन्दियशरीरः पवनबरू
१०. चलितोचुङ्गतरङ्गःवछिसहस्राकीर्ण्णजलनिधिवलया तिक्रान्त

. To be corrected as चलुक्‍्य 6. The word परम is indistinct
. The word स्वस्ति must have come at the beginning 7. Correct Samasa would be ब्रह्मण्यतायनेक
of the grant 8. Ornament among experts in doing deeds paj
. Read as faz तिलक भूत: कृत्तिलक भूतः
. Read'as सिंह 9. Readas तरजङ्गावलि

. The middle letter is not clearly written but the

word undoubtedly is गाम्भीर्य

THE MARUTURU PLATES ОЕ PULAKESIN-II

First Plate, Second Side

Plate I (a)

S xn 3989284551 కస.
RSA TIE: es tose

గ | ayy дез
2

[5349 xs. 40858 x3
J dius “2

“өсе.

Second Plate, First Side

Plate I (b)

THE MARUTURU PLATES OF PULAKESIN-II

Second Plate : Second Side

Third Plate: First Side

20

११,
१२.
१३,
99.
१५.

१६.

१७.
१८.
१९.
२०.

. The letter सव is very faint but is distinctly
legible :
. This is half line of a verse 22. Read as मदथ यः

. Read as पिष्टपुरकादानग्रहणानन्तर्यण 23. Read аз भोग

. Readas पुरावस्थितेन 24. Read as विधानान्यपहाय

. The letters वास्या are faint. The correct reading 25. The anvaya should be विषम, fe , अध्वान

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 37

SECOND PLATE: SECOND SIDE

रिपुमण्डलविजय लब्धशरदमलशशलांच्छन मरी चिसंह ҹа
ळच्छायोपहसितयश:!? बभौ स Sea! प्रतिमानकी तिस्तमःप्रमृष्ट
स्व'रगुणांशुजाळे:!3 सराजा प्रवद्धेमान राज्य विजय श्री वर्षेष्टमे पिष्ट
पुरकादानग्रहणानन्तर्य्येण:!* कलर पुरवस्तितेन” ज्येष्टमासस्यामा
wat at सावित्रीसुवर्चळारुन्धतीस्वाहाशचीसम!!शोशील्य!*

THIRD PLATE: FIRST SIDE.

नयविनयदानसदूदृतादरा दिरनेक ar ae
दम्बनामधेयाम्रममहादेव्या FRAGT” संकल्पसिद्धिसम
द्विमुपकुः्वतान्यः्चर' मद्यं 222 स्वविषयोपबोग2?रक्षणविधि
विधानान्यपहय विषमविक्ष्टाध्वानप्रवासप्रत्यदाय
दु:खानगणय? न्मडुलसुरादागम्य“. कल्लूरद्देतत्वमुपगतस्तस्याळ

. Should be यशाः 20. Meaning is not clear. Probably it should be
. Correct as 824 4154854

21. The anvaya would be संकल्पसिद्धिसमृद्धि, उप-
कुषता, AAA

is ज्येष्ठमासस्यामावास्यायां प्रवास, प्रत्यवाय, दुःखानि अगणयन्‌ The word

. The word सम is indistinct प्रदाय should be read 55 प्रत्यवाय, Also correct
. Readas सौशील्य samasa would be दु:स्वान्यगणयन्‌ |
; The correct samasa would be सदूवृत्तादराद्नेक 26. Read 85 मज्नलपुरादागम्य

38

COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

THIRD PLATE: SECOND SIDE

२१. क? महाराजस्याक्षय्यफलो भवत्वयमिति वासिष्टस गोत्र aged
२२. दविदाभ्यां ज्येष्ठकोण्डभीमखामिभ्यां चतुर्व्वेदविदि भारद्वाजगोत्राय
२३, जनखामिने मारद्वाजगोत्रं एव? चतुर्वेद विदिः

२४. पण्डरंगखामिने गौतमसगोत्रायाशीतितार्कक दिवाकरस्वा

२५०० मिने अझिवेश्यसगोत्रायाशीतितार्ककाय भोजस्वोमिने

FOURTH-PLATE:. FIRST -SIDE™

२.६, काश्यपसगोत्रायाशी фата रेवस्वामिने атэ.
२७, सगोत्र गृहीतसाहस्ताय .जन्नस्वा मिने, को शिकसं

२८. गोत्राय सहला तार्ककाय आदित्यस्वा मिने भारद्वा
२९. जसगोत्र सहस्ताककाय विष्णुस्वा मिने वासिष्ठसगोत्राय
३०. [वाम|स्वामिने काश्यपसगोत्र वण्णंत्रयनिवृत्ताय गोप -

27.

28

29.

The; phrase. as, it stands makes no sense. It pro- The mistaké was probably noticed apd correc.

bably should be ағас देवत्वं उपगतः तस्य 19% téd after the grant was finally inscribed. The
महराजस्य correct reading should be चतुर्न्वेदचि दे.

Read as वासिष्ठस 30. The 4 looks like च,

The letter q after 41354 is written below the 31. The correct word should be चतुर्वेदविदे.

line with a plus mark to indicate its position. 32. Elongation superfluous

Plate I (c)
THE MARUTURU PLATES OF PULAKESIN-II

Third Plate: Second Side

Fourth Plate: First Side EA
— .—— యాలాల క ai I RTT ты інісін జలద S TUN REDIT n mm Voas tee లలా

26

28

Plate I (d)

THE MARUTURU PLATES OF PULAKESIN-II

Fourth Plate, Second Side °

33.
34.
35.

The meaning of this word is not clear.
The word नतावट is written in between the two
lines. Meaning not applicable to the present

context.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI

FOURTH PLATE: SECOND SIDE

३१. श्वामिने च qhacq ९०** व सहित्य मारुटूरज्नामग्राममग्रहार
33. नतावटःभागन्यायेन दत्तवान्‌ उक्तंहि मानवे धर्म्मशास्त्रे ब
३३, हुमिव्ब॑सुधा भुक्ता राजभिस्सगेरांदिभिंः [|]
३४. यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिः तस्य तस्य तदा फलम्‌ [||]
३.५. षष्टिवर्षसहस्रांसि खर्गे मोदति afte: [1]
FIFTH PLATE: FIRST SIDE
३६. आच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ताच [ता] न्येव नर
३७. के वसेत्‌ 1] स्वं दातुं सुमहच्छक्यं
३८. दुःखमन्यत्र पारनं [I] दानं वा
3%, पालनं वेति दानाच्छेयो नु
go, पालन मिति। +”
Read as स्वामिने 36. च written like च

39

37. Faint traces of some other letters are seen here.
Itlooks as if, a plate already written was used,
after roughing out the entire writing.

CHAPTER III

THE TUMMEYANURU GRANT OF PULAKESIN-II

These plates were brought to the Hyderabad Museum some time ago. Just as in the
case of the Marutüru grant of Satyasraya Sri Prithvi Vallabha published earlier in this
volume, the importance of this grant also does not appear to have been fully appreciated.
Consequently no attempt was made to find out the spot from which these plates were
discovered or to take steps to preserve them in the Museum or to take an estampage of it.
These plates also would appear to have been destroyed with the earlier plates as part of the
refuse of the Museum. Fortunately due to the good sense of Sri V. Nagaraj, Photographer
of the Department of Archaeology, an excellent photo of the entire grant has been preserved
and the grant is being edited with the help of those photos. Except for the fact that the
copper plate grant was discovered somewhere in the border between Kurnool and Maha-
boobnagar districts, no other details are available about the find spot etc. of the plates.

The inscription is written on three copper plates held together by a ring. The plates
are rectangular in shape and measure each 6.4" in length and 1.8" in breadth. The plates are
not avilable to verify if the rims are raised. There is a hole about 0.4" in diameter in the
left side of the plates for а ring to pass through. The total weight of the plates, the ring
and the seal are not available, as the plates are not available.

There are altogether 24 lines of writing in the inscription distributed as follows :—

First plate second side 7. lines

Second plate first side 6 lines

Second plate second side 6 lines

Third plate first side 5 lines

24 lines
The inscription is engraved upon the inner side of the first plate, both sides of the second
plate and the inner side of the third plate. The outer side of the first and the third plates
is not inscribed. Тһе characters belong to the Western Chalukyan script and resemble
those of many other inscriptions of this line of kings. The language of the record is
Sanskrit and it is written in prose. In point of orthography the record closely resembles

(6) INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 41

the other Western Chalukyan records that have been discovered up to now.

The grant was issued by Pulakésin-II who is described in the grant as ‘‘Satyasraya
Sri Prithvi Vallabha Maharajadhi Raja Paroméswara’’, in the immediate presence of Lord
Sangaméswara on the occasion of a lunar eclipse on a Kartika Райғпаті day. The year of
the issue of the grant is not specifically mentioned in the record. The grantis of the
village Tummeyanüru which is described in the grant, as being situated in the Chalukya
Vishaya, and located in between Santanür and Pulikurope villages on the southern bank of
Chinteru near Jukur Tirtha. The grant was made to Mabuganaswamy of the Atreyasa Gotra
and the Apastamba Sūtra, who was the son of Malarevaswamy of the Indupur Ghatika. The
father of the grantee is described as well versed in the Vēda, Vedanga and the Itihasa, as
performing the six duties or Shatkarmas well, and as being praised by all the people for
his excellent character and the merit that he acquired thereby. The land which was granted
is said to have been measured by a standard Royal measure or Rajamana measuring 25
Nivartanas. ït would therefore appear that the entire village Tummeyanür was not granted
but only a particular portion of it measured out by the Rajamana. This is borne out by
the fact that in describing the boundaries of the grant, the Western boundary is described
as Kapparépa Pannüsa. Pannāsa is a measure of land and it is thus clear that the grant is
of a portion of land either in Tummeyanir village or the block of land itself is being called
Tumméyanur in the grant and is described as being bounded by the other Pannasas men-
tioned in the grant, and being measured out by a Royal standard scale each measuring
25 Nirvartanas or Кајатала.

The grant is obviously that of Pulakésin-IT though the name Pulakésin does not
specifically appear in the grant. The grant starts with the usual Western Chalukyan
Prasasti and mentions Kirtivarma, to whom is said to have been born the king Satyasraya
Sri Prithvi Vallabha Maha Rajadhi Raja. Yn the Hyderabad Plates of Pulakésin-II' he is
described merely as Sri Satyasraya Prithvi Vallabha Maharaja and not as Maha Rajadhi Raja
Parameswara. In the Goa Plates? of Saka 532, he is described as Sri Prithvi Vallbha
Maharaja. In this grant another phrase is added as follows, to describe the king:

“Para Nripati Parajayopalabdha Parameswara Араға Namadheyah" which means
that he obtained another name Paraméswara by defeating a host of hostile kings. In the
next grant? of a later king as for example that of Adityavarma, the epithets Maha Rajadhi
Rajah and Paraméswara are applied to the king as well as to his father. In other words the
final settlement of the Western Chalukyan Birudas would appear to be mere Maharajah for

1. Indian Antiquary Vol. VI p. 72.
2. Journal of the Bombay Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. X, - p. 365.
3. Journal of the Bombay branch, Royal Asiatic Society Vol, XVI— page 240.

42 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

Pulakesin-I and Maharaja and Paraméswara for Pulakesin-II and Maharajadhi Raja Para-
méswara and Bhattaraka for his successors, Vikramaditya-I, Vinayaditya etc

From the description of the king as Satyasraya Sri Prithvi Vallabha Maharajadhi
Ка japaraméswara in the grant it is clear that this is a grant of Pulakesin-II after he had
attained the title Paraméswara, the origin of which is mentioned in his Hyderabad grant.

The inscription does not specifically mention any year, as the year of the grant.
However, it gives the information that the grant was made on a lunar eclipse during a full
moon-day of a Karthika month. Pulakésin-II is said to have come to throne in 610 А. D.-
611 A. D. and ruled for roughly forty years. During this period of time, there was
Kartika Pürnami Lunar eclipse in the years 618, 619, 635, 636 and 637 A.D. It is not
possible to exactly locate the year of the grant from out of this in the absense of further
information.

The present grant is very important since it gives us an interesting clue to the home-
land of the Chalukyas. This grant introduces for the first time the phrase “‘Chalkya
Vishaya", which refers to a territorial division ofthe land called Chalkya. The word
Chalkya is the original form of the dynastic name and by the insertion of a euphonic vowel,
this became Chalukya later on. From this name ofthe clan, the territory must have
derived its name.

The following other details, that are available to us, regarding the origin of Chalu-
kyas gleaned from the other Chalukyan records will be of interest in solving this problem.

(a) Most of the Western Chalukyan inscriptions have been recovered from the Rayala-
sima districts of Andhra Pradesh. For example three of the plates of Vikrama-
ditya-I have been found in Kurnool district, and in addition a number of plates
of the later kings, as for example the Mayalüru plates of Vinayaditya etc. have all
been recovered from those districts only

(b) Most of the villages mentioned in the Western Chalukyan grants are identifiable
with those situated in the Rayalasima districts.

(c) Many terms like ‘Vadlu’, “Кһапаика Vadlu’, *Unchamanna' etc. are all local terms
which occur in the plates of Vikramaditya-I and others. The words ‘Vadlw and
“Кһапаика Vadlw are obviously telugu words.

(d) There are also some stone inscriptions! of Vinayaditya and Vikramaditya in Telugu
language and these are some of the earliest Telugu inscriptions available to us.

(e) In addition, we must also remember, that there isa traditional account of the

^. origin of the Eastern Chalukyas which is found in the Nandampudi grant? of the

Eastern Chalukyan king Raja Raja. In this grant, the legendary account of the
origin of the Chalukyas is given in great detail. According to this, Vijayaditya, the

], Ep.coll. No. 364—1920 Ep. coll, No, 359—1920
2. Epigraphia Indica Vol. IV. p. 300

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHA LUKYAS OF BADAMI 43

earliest ancestor of the Chalukyan family, is said to have been defeated and killed
by Trilochanapallava. Vijayaditya’s wife who was carrying at that time, took refuge
along with a purohit, at a place called Mudivemu. There she was given shelter and
brought up by one Vishnubhatta Somayaji. ln course of time, she gave birth to a
male child which was named as Vishnuvardhana. Having learnt the disaster of his
father from his mother, Vishnuvardhana when he grew up, went to a hill called
*Chalukya gir? and there did Tapascharya and invoked the aid of Goddess
Nandabhagavati Gowri. He also invoked the aid of Lord Kumara, Narayana
and the Matriganas. Through this divine help, he obtained his royal insignia
and then conquered the Kadamba, the Ganga and the other kings, and thus
founded the Chalukya kingdom after doing penance in the Chalukyagiri. The
Mudivému mentioned here has been identified with Peddamudiyam of Jammala-
madugu taluq of Cuddapah district. The mountain Chalukyagiri where Vishnu-
vardhana did his penance should therefore be situated in the regional habitat of
the Chalukyas viz. the Chalkya Vishaya, just as other hills as for example the
* Müshikaparvata" derive their name by being situated in the territory of Müshikas.

(f) There is a reference in the Nagarjunakonda inscriptions! to Khanda Chaliki
Remmanaka i.e. Remmanaka, son of Khanda Chaliki, who was Mahasenapati and
Mahatalavara of the Ikshavaku ruler Virapurashadatta. This is the earliest
Chalukyan chieftain known to history. But this chieftain is described as Vasishthi
Putra, whereas the Chalukyas were Haritiputras.

The present grant by Pulakésin-IJ introduces for the first time a reference to Chalukya
Vishaya and from the find spot of the grant, and from the reference in the grant to
Sangameswara which obviously refers to Lord Sangaméswara situated at the confluence of
the Tungabhadra and the Krishna rivers, near Alampür of Mahabübnagar district, it is very
clear that the Chalukya Vishaya should have formed part of the Rayalasima districts,
inclusive of Kurnool and perhaps part of the Mahabübnagar district also. The Chalikis or
Chalkyas must have been originally the inhabitants of the Rayalasima districts, and
probably were living in the neighbourhood of the Srisaila, and their homeland must have
come to be called as Chalukya vishaya, after them.

The Indupir Ghatika mentioned in the grant obviously refers to a Ghatika that must
have been in existence at /ndupür. This and the other villages etc. mentioned in the grant
are not susceptible of verification with the modern villages. Sangaméswara in whose
presence the grant is made obviously refers to the Lord of the Sangaméswara temple at the
confluence of the rivers Krishna and Tungabhadra and within a few miles of the famous
Alampür Kshetra of the modern Mahabübnagar district.

1. Epigraphia Indica Vol. XX, 18, B, 4.

44

COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

_ FIRST PLATE: SECOND. SIDE

१. स्वस्ति श्रीमतां सकलजगदभिवन्द्यमानमानव्यसगोत्राणां त्रिभुवन

з. मातृभिर्म्मातृभिरभिवद्धितानामश्चमेधावभृत' पवित्रीकृत व [पुषां]

i. कात्तिकेयपरिरक्षितपितृपैतामहपरम्पराणां [सकलजनसं]

४: स्तूयमाननारायणपादानुम्रहोपरुब्धवराहरान्छनानां हारी.

७५. तिपुत्राणाञ्चाङकयानामन्वयमछंकरिष्णुः स्वभशुजबंलविजितरिपु

६: समितिरवनतानेकनरपतिमकुटतट्घटितचरणाः? [मारुह 2]

७. कीर्लियर्ममानामनपंतिरभूत- तस्यावनिभृतामधिपस्य [कीति]

SECOND PLATE: . FIRST SIDE
(€. аят; पुत्रः रविरिव स्वतेजसांक्रान्तवंसुमतीवेलेयं:
९. गुह इव स्वशक्तिनिराक्कतारोषरिपुजनः नारायण
१०. इव स्वभुजबळधृतवसुन्धराभरः सत्याश्रय श्री `
११. प्रथिवीवछममहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरः सकळ `
१२. зата स्वचारित्रोपचितपुण्येकर्म्मणे чат
१३. = хага वेदवेदांगेतिहासविदे इन्दुपुच्छ mW

1. Read as अवभूथ 2. Readas चरण:

Plate II (a)

THE TUMMEYANURU PLATES OF PULAKESIN-II

First Plate : Second Side

THE TUMMEYANURU PLATES OF PULAKESIN-II

Second Plate: Second Side

Plate II (b)

3.

99.
915;
१६.
ç
१८.
१९,

२०.
ўы
२२.
२३.
59.

eda

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI
SECOND PLATE: SECOND SIDE

टिका सामान्यस्य मन्त्रमालरेवस्वामिनः पुत्राय माघुगण

स्वामिने आत्रेय गोत्राय आपसंभ? सत्राय agua विष

ये सान्तनूरु पुळिकु లో पु ्ामयोम्भध्ये spp eo ती

ej समीपे चिंघे ео दक्षिणतटे чала आदि

त्य उन्छसपन्नासमोछळकनि, उन्छसहितमुदकपू.

sq कात्ति (क) -पोण्णमास्यां ग्रहणनिमित्तं भगवतः संग

THIRD PLATE: FIRST SIDE

मेश्वरपुरस्तात्‌ प्रादात्‌ (१) तस्योपन्नासस्यप्रमाण पञ्चर्वि

'शतिनिवत्तनमात्रा राजमांनेन

सु четт सीम अपरस्यान्दिशि कप्परे पा అ
qaa स्वदत्ताम्परदत्तां वा यो हरेत वसुन्धरां गवां
शतसहस्रस्य हन्तुः पिबति Кача

45

CHAPTER IV

THE VELNALLI GRANT OF VIKRAMADITYA-I OF THE
WESTERN CHALUKYAN DYNASTY — 596 A.D.

This set of plates was also discovered by me among the discarded stuff of the Hydera-
bad Museum that was set apart for disposal. This was salvaged in time by me. The
provenance of the grant and the place from which it was recovered are unfortunately lost
to us and there is no record kept of it anywhere. An examination of the grant reveals that
itis the same as the Gadwal plates of Vikramaditya-I published in Epigraphia Indica
Volume X, Page 100. How it came to be acquired by the Hyderabad museum is not known.

The inscription is incised on three plates each measuring 9” in length and
about 41" in breadth. The plates are held together with a ring the ends of which are
closed by a seal containing the well-known Varaha emblem of the Chalukyas. The edges of
the plates are well raised. The plates, and the ring and seal weigh 1375 grms. and 390 grms.
respectively. The first and the last plates are inscribed on the inner side only, while the
middle plate is written on both the sides. There are altogether 38 lines in writing distribu-
ted as follows :

First plate second side 9 ]ines
Second plate first side 8 lines
Second plate second side 11 lines
Third plate first side 10 lines

Total 38 lines

An excellent photo of the plates and the seal is published along with this.

The characters belong to the old Telugu Kannada script, and closely resemble those
of the other charters issued by the Western Chalukyan kings. The language of the record
is wholly Sanskrit. In point of view of orthography the inscription closely resembles : jse
of the other records of Vikramāditya-I. The usual features of orthography like the usé of
class nasals for Anuswara and Visarga Sandhi are also seen in this grant.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 47

The date of the grant is clearly mentioned as
षण्णावत्युत्तर पञ्चशतेषु शकवर्षेष्वती तेषु,
e š fü
чаЧата तिजयराज्य संवत्सर विंशतितमे |

i.e. 596 of Saka year, corresponding to the 20th victorious year of the reign of the king.
596 Saka corresponds to the year 674 A.D. and this tallies with the 20th year of the King
Vikramaditya since he is said to have ascended the throne in 654-55 A.D. Hence the grant
may be assigned to the year 674-75 A.D. The grant is said to have been made on the
Vaisakha Poürnamasya day and hence the exact date would be 15th April, 675 A.D. which is
the date of the grant.

The grant was made when the king had entered the “‘Chalika Vishaya’’ and was living
in the ‘‘Vijaya Skandhavara’’ or the victorious army headquarters of Uragapura on the
southern banks of the river Kavéri. The phrase used is:

चोलिक विषयं प्रविश्य कावेरी दक्षिण तटावस्थित
उरगपुरं अधिमसवति विजयस्कन्धावारे ॥

The grant was made at the instance of Ganga Mahadevi and was given to Kundasarma
son of Swamivanda Sarma and the grand son of Iswara Shadangavith of the Kapyasa Gotra
which refers to Kapi Gotra. The grant was made of land to an extent of 25 Nivartanas
measured by a royal standard measure of the Rajamana. It is stated that the grant was
made with Khanduka Vadla Sahita or with a Khanduka full of Vadlu. The Khanduka
obviously refers to a “Ри” and Vadlu is paddy grain and hence the grant is made along
with a Putti of paddy grain to the brahmins. Along with the grant to the above mentioned
person a further grant of land of an extent of 25 Nivartanas measured by the royal measure
or the Rajamana was also made to Badammaswamy son of Tatammaswamy and grand son of
Mahéswaraswamy belonging to Vatsasa Gotra. In addition a further grant of land to an
extent of 25 Nivartanas was also made to Kanta Sarma. The grant was written by the
Mahasandhi Vigrahika by name Sri Јауаѕепа. The grant further records in the last line an
interesting fact that Kundaswamy himself is the executor of this grant and no one else.
After the usual imprecatory phrases at the end ofthe grant it is stated that the grant is
made by king who is described as born in the Chalukya Vamsa and as destroyer of the
Pallavakula.

The grant begins with the usual and well-known stanzas......

जयत्याविष्क्रतं विष्णोः वराहं क्षोमितार्णवम्‌ etc.
As.is usual with the beginning of the various charters of the Chalukyas, the king’s great

grand-father is described as Pulakesi Vallabha Maharaja. This obviously refers to Pulakesin-I.
He is described in the grant as being born in the Chalukya Vamsa whose line of kings belong

48 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

to the Manavyasa Gotra which is being praised by all the worlds, who were the sons of
Hariti, who were brought up by the Sapta Loka Matrikas, whose family was being well
protected by Lord Kartikeya and who had obtained the Varahalanchana or the Boar symbol
by the grace of the Lord Vishnu. King Pulakésin-I is also said to possess a body that had
been purified by the Avabritha Snana at the end of an Asvamedha. After him a reference is
made to Satyasraya Sri Kirti Vallabha Maharaja who is the father of Pulakesin-II. After
him a reference is made to Satyasraya Sri Prithvi Vallabha Maharaja Parameswara who is the
father of the grantor and is described as having obtained the second name of Paraméswara
by defeating Sri Harshavardhana who was the Lord of the Uttarapatha.

Then the present grantor viz. king Vikramaditya-I is referred to. He is said to have
overthrown with the help of his horse called Chitrakantha and his sharp sword, which was
irradiated by tasting the blood of the hostile kings in many famous battles, the confederacy
of three kings who had interrupted the royalty of his father. His arm is said to be like the
coils of the serpent which sustains the burden ofthe earth. Having brought the entire
kingdom under the rule of one sovereign he reestablished by the fiat of his own mouth for
furthering his fame and piety the grants which had been made to the Gods and the brahmins
and which had been destroyed by the intervening threereigns. Having won the hostile kings
in country after country, in war without any impedements, the goddess of fortune of his
lineage assumed again the position of supreme Lordship. Up to now the Prasasti is the
same as that which is found in the other plates of Vikramaditya-I.

After this follow four stanzas in this grant which are also found only in the Hydera-
bad plates of king Vikramaditya-I.

In the first of these stanzas it is stated that victory was achieved by Sri Vallabha who
crushed the glory of Narasimha, destroyed the valour of Mahendra and subdued Eatwara
with his very eyes referring obviously to the three Pallava kings. In the second stanza it is
stated that Vikramaditya who bore the title Srivallabha became joyous and even more so
after forcibly wooing the lady of the Southern quarters and had taken possession of Kanchi
which was her girdle. In the third verse it is stated that the king Rana Rasika bore the
title Raja Malla since he destroyed the Mahamalla an obvious reference to Narasimhavarma,
the Pallava king. The last verse describes the defence of Kanchi, which was girt by a moat
which was deep and difficult and by rampart walls difficult to cross, and says that the city
was captured by the conqueror of Easwarapotaraja.

There is one passage in the grant which has given rise to some controversy regarding
its interpretation. The phrase is as follows :—

“स्वगुरोः श्रियमवनिपतित्रितयान्तरितां आत्मसाकृत्य कृतेकाधिष्ठिताशेष राज्यभरस्तसितराज्यत्रये
विनष्टानि देवस्वब्रह्मदेयानि धम्मयशोधर्म्मयशो भिवृद्धये स्वमुखेन स्थापितवान्‌ |”

(7) INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 49

Literally translated, the above phrase means, that the king Vikramaditya made his
own, the kingdom of his father which had been engulfed by three other kings, and in which
he reestablished by the order of his mouth for the furtherence of Dharma and fame, the
grants that had been given for the benefit of the Gods and the brahmins. Who exactly are
the three kings mentioned above who partitioned among themselves the kingdom of
Pulakésin-1I is a moot point to determine.

The broad facts of history of this period are well-known. The Pallava king Narasimha-
varma-I (630-668 A.D.) defeated and killed Pulakésin-IT about 642 A.D. and Badami city
which was the capital of the Western Chalukyas was also ‘burnt. Vikramaditya-I the son
of Pulakesin-II was able to reassert himself, and establish the kingdom again in 655 A.D.
The struggle with the Pallavas however continued during the time of the Pallava king
Mahaendravarma-II (668-670 A.D.) son of Narasimhavarma and his successor Parameswara
(670-680 A.D.). What happened in the interregnum from 642 to 54 A.D. is not quite clear,
though it is certain that the Western Chalukyas reestablished their supremacy, after defea-
ting the Pallavas.

The Avanipati Tritaya mentioned here, has been held to refer to the Cholas, the Pandyas
and the Keralas of the south by some scholars, and to the three Pallava kings, who ruled
over parts of Kanchi, Ceded districts and Nellore and Guntur districts by some other
scholars. If the reference to the Avanipati Tritaya means Cholas, Pandyas and Keralas, then
including the Pallavas, there should have been four kings and not three kings who should
have been defeated by Vikramaditya, Та fact Dr. D. C. Sircar who has edited the Amadala-
padu plates of Vikramaditya-I' was fully aware of this difficulty, and he has stated that
it is difficult to determine which of the four southern kings viz. Pandya, Chola, Pallava and
Kerala is to be omitted in this, and has further stated that the explanation of the omission
of one of the four powers by Vikramaditya-I would appear to be, thatthe king had no
occasion to enter into that particular territory.

If the reference is to the Chola, Pandya and Kerala empire, then, the mention of
Uragapura in the Cholika Vishaya in this plate would be difficult to explain. From the
details given in this plate it is seen that Vikramaditya was camping at Uragapura which was
his Vijayaskandhavara or a military camping ground at Uragapura. Thus if the Chola
kingdom by the date of the grant viz. 674 A.D. had not fully been conquered by Vikrama-
ditya-I itis obvious that the Avanipati Tritaya could not include the Cholas by that date.
Moreover the four verses regarding the conquest of the Pallavas explained above are
mentioned also in the earlier Hyderabad grant of Vikramaditya-I.* It is thus clear that the

reference to the Avanipati Tritaya is only to the defeat of the Pallavas, and that event must

1. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXXII, Chapter IV, - p. 182.
2. Indian Antiquary Vol. УІ p. 75

50 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

have happened during the early part of the reign of Vikramaditya. His conquest of the:
Chola kingdom, for which we get the date as 674 A.D. in this grant must have been during
the later part of his reign, since Vikramaditya's reign itself came to close round about
678 A.D. In other words, since just five years before the close of his reign, Vikramaditya
is found camping at the military camping place of Uragapura which is obviously a reference
to Uraiyur of the Trichnopoly district which was the capital of Cholas, the Avanipati Tritaya
by whose conquest he re-established his family prestige at the beginning of his reign
cannot obviously refer to Сло/аѕ, and could not also refer to Pandyas and Keralas
since no conquest of their tertitory would be possible except by a march through the
Chola territory, unless he has marched by the West coast for which there is no evidence.
Thus the ‘Avanipati Tritaya’ mentioned here, refers only to the three component parts of
the kingdom of the Pallavas which comprised portions of Kanchi, Ceded districts, and
Nellore and Guntur districts. This view is also in consonance with the geographical factors,
since these three areas are contiguous to the Western Chalukyan dominions, and if
Vikramaditya had reestablished his sovereignty by defeating the Pallavas and Narasimha-
varma-I, he could possibly have done so, only by conquering the Ceded districts, Nellore
and Guntur districts and then the area near Kanchi. Itis only after this is done, can he
move into the Chola territory, which he must-have done іп the closing years of his reign.
Since the reestablishment of the kingdom itself by Vikramaditya-I is after his reconquest
of his father’s kingdom, that had been partitioned by three kings, it is obvious that the
three kings could only be the three Pallava kings who had been ruling over component
parts of the kingdom.

It is also significant to note here that at this period of time the Cholas were not a
mighty ruling family. It was only under the great Vijayalaya that the Cholas reasserted
their independence. Duriug 7th Century A.D. the Cholas were insignificant rulers. It is
therefore important to remember that the village Velnalli granted is said to be situated in
the Cholika Vishaya. The term ‘Vishaya’ is well-known as a name of a territorial division
of a country or a kingdom, and if the Cholas had been a ruling power who had been
conquered by Vikramaditya-I, their territory would not have been referred to as Cholika
Vishaya but as Chola Rajya. We also know from other evidence that during the period
under consideration the Chola powers that were having supremacy in the south during the
early centuries of the christian era, had a set back and were probably ruling as subordi-
nates in the Ceded districts as the Renadu Cholas as they were called till the reestablishment
of their kingdom by Vijayalaya. In view of all these it would appear that the ‘Avanipati
Tritaya’ mentioned is a reference only to the three component kings of the Pallavas.

The grant is of the village Vélnalli. Prof. E. Hultzsch had read the name: of the
village as ‘Cheduli’. This is obviously incorrect. The word can clearly be read as Vélnalli.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 51

‘The ‘La’ in this word as well as in the word “Слойка Vishaya’ are the same. Velnalli is
also a typical south Indian word. Uragapuri is obviously a reference to Uraiyar of the Chola
kingdom. There is no justification in identifying it with Nagapatnam as has been done by
Dr. Hultzsch, treating it as a literal translation of the word Nagapatnam. In fact Naga-
patnam is not situated on the southern banks of Kaveri. Uragapuri or Uraiyur is just
on the southern banks of Kaveri and ‘Vélnalli’ the village under grant is therefore а village
in Trichinopoly district,

The grant of the village mentioned was made at the request of Gangamahadevi. She
seems to be one of the queens of Vikramaditya-II.

We know from the Hunnür plates issued by Vikramaditya-I, who was camping at
Malliyür that the grant mentioned there was made at the request of the Ganga prince,
Madhava, son-in-law, of an otherwise unknown elder brother of Vikramaditya called Rana
Ragavarma. The expediton of Vikramaditya to the Chola kingdom seems to have been not
quite successful. It would appear that Paraméswaravarma, the Pallava ruler escaped from
Kanchi, gathered his forces from the rest of the kingdom and caused a diversion by sending
a force into the Western Chalukyan country, and joined battle with Vikramaditya at the
famous battle ground Peruvalanallur in Lalgudi Taluq of Trichinopoly district. Int he Karam
grant, king Paraméswara mentions that he forced Vikramaditya whose army consisted of
several lakhs of men, to take to flight alone and covered only by a rag. Though this may be
a piece of exaggeration, there seems to be no doubt that Vikramaditya’s thrust into the
South of India seems to have ended ina fiasco and he was forced to retreat into his own
kingdom, leaving the Pallavas alone for the time being.

52

won = `

COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

FIRST PLATE: SECOND SIDE

१, afa जयत्याविष्कृतं विष्णोः वाराहं क्षोभितार्णवं दक्षिणोन्नत दंष्टाग्रविश्रान्तभुवनं व.
२. Ч: श्रीमतां सकळ भुवन संस्तूयमान मानव्यसगोत्राणां हारितीपुत्राणां सततोकमातृ
A, भिस्सप्तमातृभिर मिवद्धतानांका त्तिकेयपरिरक्षणप्राप्षकल्याणपरम्पराणां भगवन्ना

в: रायणप्रसादसमासादितवराहराब्छन' क्षणक्षणवश्चीङ्ृताशेषमहीभृतां चरि

५; जयानां कुलमळ?करिष्णोरंश्रमेधावसूथखानपवित्रीक्ेतंगात्रस्य श्रीपुर,

в. केशिवछममहाराजस्य प्रपौत्रः पराकमाक्रान्तवनवास्यादिपरनृपति -

७; मण्डंळप्रणिबद्धविशुद्धकीरत्तेः श्रीकी चिवर्म्मथिवीवछममहारांजस्य पौत्र
स्समरसंसकतसकळोत्तरापथेश्वर श्रीहषवद्धनपराजयोपलड्ध

परमेश्वरापरनांमधेयस्य सत्याश्रयश्रीएथिवीवछभमहा

5 న్‌ ue
A ALG
? =“ w 1. а...

5 ‘SECOND PLATE: FIRST SIDE
१०, राजाधिराजपरमेश्वरस्य प्रियतनंयश्रित्रकण्ठाख्य 'प्रवरतुरंगमे
११. णैकेनैव प्रतीतानेकसमरमुखे रिपुनृपतिरुधिरजळाखादनरसना
१२. यमानज्वलदमळनिशितनिखिशधारयावधृतधर॑णिमरभुजगभोगसृ
१,३; शनिजभुजविजितविजिगीषुरात्मकवचावमझ्ाानेकप्रहार: खगुरो: श्रि
$9, यमवनिपतित्रितथान्तरितामात्मसात्कृत्य क्रत्रे' काधिष्ठिताशेष रा
$4, ज्यभरस्तस्मित्राज्यत्रये विनष्टानि देवस्वत्रह्मदेयानि-धम्मेयशोभिवृ
द्वये स्वमुखेन स्थापितवान्‌ रणशिरसि Ru नरेन्द्रान्दिशि दिशि जिरवा sadar

१४, जां लक्ष्मी प्राप्तः परमेश्वरतामनिवारितविक्रमादित्यः अपिच मृदित

a Read as ने
Read as $
э. Read. कृत्वा
4. = is another reading.

' THE VELNALLI PLATES OF VIKRAM ADITYA-I

First Plate: Second Side

Plate III (b)
THE VELNALLI PLATES OF VIKRAMADITYA-I 2. E

Second Plate: Second Side

Third Plate: First Side

3५७७११३३६१
(2)

J 9202/84
SPINE OME
TAMAS UA IZA куб

(A general view of the plates bound by the ring and the seal )

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE "WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 53.

SECOND PLATE: SECOND SIDE

१८. नरसिंह यशसा विहित. ann विल्येन नयनविजितेश्वरेण प्रभुणा श्रीवछमेन जितं m
१९. ana दक्षिण दिंग्युवतिमात्तकाळ्चीकः. Әт भृशमभिरमयन्नपि सुतरां agafa: वह
२०. . ति स्वमर्थवन्तं रणरसिक [J श्रीमदुरुबरुस्कन्ध: यो राजमलछशब्दं विहित महामछकुळ-
नाशः दु
२१. लेघदुष्करविभेदविशाल्साला दुगर्गाधदुस्तरबृहव्परिखापरीता अग्राहि येन जयतेश्वरपोत
२२. राजं काश्वीव दक्षिणदिशः *षितिपेन काश्ची स विक्रमाक्रान्स्सकल महीमण्डळाघिराज्यो
. विक्रमादि |

२३.. त्यसत्याश्रय श्रीप्रथिवीवलभमहाराजा धिराजपरमेश्वरस्सव्वोनेवमाज्ञापयति विदिंत

२४. मस्तु वोस्माभिः чодаеучеч® зде 'शकवर्षेष्वती तेषु प्रवद्धमान विजयराज्य d

२५. वत्सरे विंशतितमे वत्तमाने चोळिकविषयं प्रविश्य कावेरीदक्षिणतटावस्थितोरगपुरमधिवस

२६. ति विजयस्कन्धावारे वेशाख पौर्णमास्यां वत्तमाने काप्यस गोत्रस्य ईश्वरषडंगविदः पोत्रायः

२७. खामि वन्दशर्म्मणःपुत्राय कुन्दशम्मणे^ deals ग्रामे गंगमहादेवी विज्ञापनया राजमाने

२८. न पञ्चाशन्निवर्तन परिमाणं क्षेत्रं [og] वड्ळसहितं दत्तं agada वत्ससगोत्रस्य

THIRD PLATE

२९. महीसुरस्वामिनः पौत्राय तातम्मखामिनः पुत्राय बाद॑म्मखामिने राजमानेने पञ्चाश

зо. न्निवर्तनपरिमाणं क्षेत्रं दत्तं तदूग्नामे कोन्नशम्मणे च पञ्चाशन्निवर्तनपरिमाणं क्षेत्रं qui

३१. чела wand राजभिरायुरैश्वर्य्यादीनां विरसितमचिरांशुचंचलमवग

३२. च्छद्भिराचन्द्रार्कधरार्णवस्थितितमकाछं यशश्विचीपुमिस्स्वदत्तिनिविशेषं परिपालनीयमुक्तञ्च
33. [भगव] ता वेदत्या "सेन व्यासेन बहुमिव्वंसुधा भुक्ता राजभिर्सगरादिभिः यस्य यस्य' यदा भू
39. Веч तस्य तदा फलं स्वंदातु सुमहच्छक्यं दुःखमन्त्रस्य पारनं दानं वा पारनं वे

३५. ति दानाच्छ्रेयोनुपानं स्वदत्तां परदत्तां वा यो हरेत वसुन्धरां षष्टिवषसहस्रा

३६. णि विष्ठायां जायते किमिः चाळक्यवंशजातस्य पछ्वान्वयनाशिनः सर्व्वानिवारिता

३७. ज्ञस्य शासनं शासनं द्विषां महासन्धि विग्रहिकग्री'' जयसेनेन छिखितमिदं शासनं

३८. कुन्दस्वामिने एवास्य शासनस्य атат! न्येस्ति नमोनमः नमस्सकलविदे

5, Read क्षितिपेन 9, This seems to be subséquent addition.

6. Read पञ्चशतेषु 10. Read वेदव्यासेन,

7. Мау be also read as चन्द्‌ - 11. Read श्रीजयसेनेन

8. कन्द्राम्मणे another reading 1%- Read स्वामिता न्यस्ति

CHAPTER V

IPARUMKAL GRANT OF VIKRAMADITYA-I — 660 A.D,

This set of copper plates which is also known as the Amudalapadu plates of Vikrama-
ditya-I was acquired for the Hyderabad Museum by purchase by my predecessor. The
inscription has been published in the Telugu journal Bharati of May, 1957 - Page 86 by
Pandit Gadiyaram Ramakrishna Sarma, It has also been published again in Epigraphia
Indica, Vol. XXXII - Part IV - Page 175 by Dr. D.C. Sircar. It is included in this volume,
since it forms part of the copper plate possessions of the Andhra Pradesh Government
Museum. )

The inscription is engraved upon four plates held together by aring. The plates are
rectangular in shape and measure 19 cm. in length and 8.4 cm. in breadth. The plates and
seal weigh 1240 grms. and 195 grms. respectively. The plates are strung by aring, which
is secured by a seal containing the well-known Varaha Lanchana of the Chalukyas. There
are altogether 48 lines of writing in the inscription and they are distributed as follows :

First plate second side 7 lines
Second plate first side 7 lines
Second plate second side 8 lines
Third plate first side 9 lines
Third plate second side 8 lines
Fourth plate first side 9 lines
Total 48

The characters belong to Telugu Kannada alphabet and closely resemble the other
grants of Vikramüditya-I, of the Western Chalukyan dynasty. The grant is dated
in the 5th regnal year of the king and was issued on a Vaisakha Paurnima Tithi. As the king
is known from other sources, to have come to the throne in 654-55 A.D. the date of the
present grant can therefore be fixed as 30th April, 660 A.D.

The grant mentions the usual Prasasti of the Western Chalukyan kings, and the
phrases describing the exploits of the various kings are identical with those found in other
plates. I

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 55

The object of the grant was to give the village ‘Jparumkal’, situated in the Vamguravadi
Vishaya by Maharajadhi Raja Paraméswara Vikramaditya Satyasraya Sri Prithvi Vallabha i.e.
Vikramaditya-I, when he was camping at the village Marrira. The grant was made in
favour of one Sudarsanacharya for payment of Gurudakshina on the occasion of the king’s
Sivamandala Diksha on the full moon day of the Vaisakha month. The village Marrüra
has been indentified by Pandit Gadiyaram Ramakrishna Sarma with Chinnamarrur and
Peddamarrür on the Krishna bank in the Kollapur taluk of Mahabubnagar district. The
Vishaya is said to be Vamgüravadi and probably the village Vamgiuru of Wanaparti taluq of
Mahabubnagar district, has a reference to this. Jparumkal the actual name of the village
that was granted has been identifed by Pandit Ramakrishna Sastry with tbe village
Vippanagundla about 12 miles from Marrüra.

The most important point of interest in the grant is the glimpse that it gives us about
the rituals of the Sivamandala Diksha that were prevalent in those days. The Chalukyas as
is seen from their Prasastis were all devoted to the Saptamatrikas or the seven mothers, to
Lord Kumara and to Lord Narayana. The Biruda normally adopted by them, viz. Sri Prithvi
Vallabha, obviously refers to Sridevi and Bhidévi. King Mangalesa of the Western
Chalukyan dynasty is described as Paramabhagavata in one of the inscriptions of Pula-
keésin-II, father of Vikramaditya-I the present grantor. As such the kings would appear
to have been Vaishnavites up to the time of Pulakesin-II and Vikramaditya-I would appear
to be the first to be converted to Saivism. This is a very interesting point of the origin and
development of the Saivite faith in this area. '

Though it is generally thought that the foundation of Virasaiva or Lingayata sect
was laid firmly by Saint Basaveswara in the 12th century A.D. still the system would appear
to have come into vogue much earlier as many earlier saints are mentioned in Basavapuarana.
The ritual of the Diksha is also described in these books. Thus the grant of the land as
Gurudakshina to Sudarsanacharya who was the guru of Vikramaditya-I for initiating him
into Saiva Diksha shows that there might have been some resemblance to the imitation of
the Virasaivas. Vikramaditya-I seems to have been the first ruler of the Badami line of
Western Chalukyan kings to patronise Saivism.

36

१५

їч
१६.
o
१८,

१९.

२०.

२१.

-COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD :MUSBUM--

“FIRST PLATE... SECOND SIDE

जयत्याविष्क्ृतंः विष्णीच्वोराहं क्षौ भिताण्णेवं दक्षिणोन्नतदं
ट्रांप्रविश्रान्तभुवनं वपुः. 1 ` श्रीमतां सकलभुवनसंस्तूयमा
नमानव्यसगोत्राणां हारीतीपुत्राणां सप्तलोकमातृभिस्सस्त
ята ат कात्तिकेयपरिरक्षणप्राप्तकरयां
णपरंपरॉणां भगष॑न्नारायणप्रसादंसमांसादित
व्राहङाञ्छनेक्षणक्षणवशीकृतारोषमहीभृतां _
वेलिक्यानां. 'कुळमलरिष्णोस्थमेधावंभूत खाने .

. SECOND. PEATE: = FIRST-SIDEr

वित्रीकृतगात्रस्य श्री पोलिकेशिवल्भमहाराजस्य
пя: पराक्रमाक्रान्तवनवास्यादिपरनृपतिमण्डर
प्रणिबद्धविशुद्धकीर्ते (:) श्रीकीत्िवर्म्म प्रथिवीवल्ठभम.
हाराजस्य पौत्नस्संमरेसंसक्तसकलोततरापंथेश्व
रश्रीहर्षवद्धनपराजयोपळब्धरपर मेश्वरापर

नामधेयस्य सत्याश्रय श्रीएृथिवीवहममहाराजा
.घिराजपरमेश्वरस्यंप्रियतनं:' प्रतींतानेकंसम

SECOND PLATE: SECOND SIDE

Wey चित्रकण्ठाख्यंप्रवर तुरंगमेणेकेंनेव RIT
पतिरुधिरजळाखादनरसनायमांनज्वळदमलनिशि
तनिस्त्रिशधारयावधृतधरणिभरभुजगभोगसदश
निजभुजविजितविजिगी घुरा त्मकवचा वमग्मानेक
प्रहारस्खगुरो इिश्रयमवनिपतित्रितयान्तरितामा
त्मसात्कृत्य कृतेकाधिष्ठिताशेषराज्यमर: तस्मिन्‌ रा
ज्यत्रये विनष्टानि देवखनह्मदेयानि धर्म्मय

XA. - शोमिंवृद्धेये खमुखेन स्थापितवान्‌ (1) रणशिरसि

— 2

f. Read as Tay;

Plate IV (a)
IPARUMKAL PLATES ОЕ VIKRAM ADITYA-I

First Plate :S econd Side

Шы
B . 2 AE m2 alg f

£333/82203/d409 7229434
@ z 30 2 a8 (02260 88
272975 Fs 9314/2 agde 28
3c e |
at] Em

46

IPARUMKAL PLATES OF VIKRAM ADITYA-I
Third Plate: First Side

నత CEST
а ర II
re TA] dA eo fo, 22 99

‘De - j వ дү лалар

Зя

Fourth Plate: First Side |

Plate IV (b).

<8)

२३.
२४.
२५.
२६.
२७.
२८.
२९,
39.
३१.

३२.
३२३.

39,

३५.
35.
३७.
३८.
३९.

Фо,
३१,
४२.
93,
99.
३५,
४६.
99,
४८.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 57

THIRD PLATE: FIRST SIDE
रिपुनरेन्द्रान्द्शिदिशि जित्वा खवंशजां लक्ष्मी प्राप्य च परमेश्वरताम .
निवारितविक्रमा दित्य: विक्रमा दित्य सत्याश्रयश्री प्रथिवीवल्लभगहा
राजाधिराजपरमेश्वरस्सर्व्वानाजञापयति विदितमस्तु वोस्मामिः
प्रवद्धमानविजयराज्यपञ्चमसंवत्सरे मर आमाधिवा
सकः! वंगूरवाटिविषये मातापित्रोरात्मनश्च पुण्ययशो
वाप्तये शिवमण्डलदीक्षि (क्षा) यां सुदर्शनाचार्यायगुरुद
क्षिणार्थं वेशाख पौर्ण्णमास्या मिप००कल्नाम ग्रामः 854
परिहारमुदकपूर्ववो दत्तः आचार्य्येणापि ब्राह्मणेभ्यो `

aX:
THIRD PLATE: SECOND SIDE

रुद्शिवाचार्य्य काऱ्यपगोत्र कोण्डिन्यगोत्र गायत्रिशिवहा
dana शिवखामि भारद्वाजगोत्र गोलभट्टि aga परम
शिव कौशिकगोत्र वामनखामी ఇష్ట? केशवखामी मे
त्रेयगोत्र कोकिल्खामि काइ्यपगोत्र नारायणवामन
ай च सांकृत्यायनगोत्र aad काश्यप
सगोत्र ea {яше अदित्यशर्म्म तातश्म.
भारद्वाजगोत्र मीमशर्म दुर्गशम्म भोयिशम्म |
बाटिशर्म्म कोण्डन्यगोत्र नागशर्म्म
FOURTH PLATE: FIRST SIDE
सार(द्वा)जगोत्र ब्रह्मश्मथ्यो (feat. आदित्यशर्म्म
raha रविखामि कोशिकगोत्रस्य श्रवण सिङ्हशर्म्मणो भागद्वये भळन्देन॑स
गोत्रो दामखामि काइ्यपसगोत्रो दामोदरखामि भारद्वाजमादुञ्च
aig सुमहच्छक्य दुःखमन्यस्यपारन (|) दान
वा पालनं वेति दानाच्छ्रेयो नु पालनं (1) बहुमिर्व्वसु
घा भुक्ता राजमिस्सगरादिभिः (|) यस्य यस्य यदा भू
ета तस्य तदा फळं (I) agai परदत्तां वा यो...हरे
त वसुन्धरां षष्टिवषसहसाणि विष्टायां जाय
ते क्रिमिरिति श्री सुदशेनस्य भा [स्क] रे Е]

1. Read वासके:

CHAPTER VI

THE PANIYAL GRANT OF VINAYADITY4-I

This set of copper plates was acquired for the Hyderabad Museum by purchase by-
my predecessor. These were found in the village of Pallipadu, and were recovered by Sri
Gadiyaram Ramakrishna Sarma. The plates have also been published by Sri Gadiyarara
Ramakrishna Sarma in the Journal of the History of Deccan and Culture Vol. III. No. 1:
January, 1956. They аге republished here as they form part of the copper plate grants
of the Andhra Pradesh Government Museum.

The inscription is engraved upon three copper plates held together by a ring. The
plates are rectangular in shape and measure 22.8 cm. in length and 8.4 cm. in breadth. The
plates and seal weigh 969 grams and 340 grams respectively. The plates are strung by a ring
which is secured by a seal with the usual Varaha Lanchana, the Western Chalukyan symbol
There are altogther 31 lines of writing with 8 lines of writing on each side except the third
plate first side which has only seven lines. The edges are all trim and thus the writing has
been well preserved. The characters belong to the Telugu Kannada alphabet and resemble
the Western Chalukyan script closely.

The grant is dated on the full moon day of the month of Vaisakha in the second year
after the expiry of Saka 604. The date of the grant is thus 27th April, 682 A.D. Since the
grant is said to be in the second year of the accession of the king Vinayaditya, the date of
accession ofthe king can therefore be fixed at 680 A.D. and at 681 A.D. if the second
regnal year mentioned in the grantis the running year and notthe expired year. From
the other inscriptions of Vinayaditya we can find that his regnal years are counted from two
different points,! one starting from some date between 2nd June and 5th July, 681 A.D. and
the other between 18th October, 678 A.D. and 2nd July, 679 A.D. The explanation for
this discrepancy is not easy. The date in the present grant, would appear to support the
first version viz. the accession at some date between 2nd June and 4th July, 681 A.D.
There are only two records of the same king called Jéjari record? which was given in the
9th regnal year, Saka 609, Ashadha Sukla 15 divasa and the Togarchédu record? which was.

1. Epigraphia Indica, Vol, XXII, also A, R. E. (1926). ii, 11
2. Indian Antiquary, Vol. VII, - p. 300
3. Journal of Bom. Br, Roy. As. Soc., Vol. XVI, - p. 231.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 59

given in the 10th regnal year Saka 611, Kartika Sukla Divas 15, where dates do not tally
with this date. With the exception of these two records, allthe other remaining records of
king Vinayaditya give the figure 681 or 682 A.D. as the date of his accession. We also know
that his father Vikramaditya came to the throne in 655 A.D. and he ruled for 27 years and
his reign must have come to a close in 681 A.D. Normally Vinayaditya’s rule would
thus have begun in 681-82 A.D.

Apart from this record there are 9records of this king excluding the two Dharwar
records which are said to be spurious. Their details are given below:

51 No. Place Regnal Year Saka Year Date of Grant Corresponding English Date
(1) Lakshmeswar 7 608 Magha Su. 15 3rd Feb. 687 A.D.
(2) Јејӣғі? 9 609 Ashadha Su. 15 2nd July 687 A.D.
(3) Togarchedw 10 611 Kartika Su. 15 3rd Nov. 689 A.D.
(4) Kurnool* 11 613 Magha Su. 15 10th Jan. 692 A.D.
(5) Sorab 11 614 Dakshindyana 22nd June 692 A.D.
(6) Mayalar’ 11 614 no details 692 A.D.

(7 Dayyamdinne' 12 614 Ashadha Su. 15 22nd June 693 A.D.
(8) Harihar’ 14 616 Kartika Su.15 9th Oct. 694 A.D.
(9) Patoda* 14 617 Vaisükha Su 15 4th May 695 A.D.

—

Excepting the Togarchedu and the Jejuri records, the data mentioned in all the others
gives only 681-82 A.D. as the date of Vinayaditya. The present grant is very important,
since it is the earliest grant of Vinayaditya up to now discovered. Since this is the earliest
record of his, during the second year of his accession, which yields the result 681 A.D. we
may take it that 681 A.D. is the correct date of his accession to the throne.

The inscription of Vinayaditya give the impression of a very successful and prosperous
king. The Pallavas, Kalabhra, Kerala, Haihaya, Vila, Malwa, Chola, Pandya and other kings
are said to have been reduced by Ріпаудайуа toa state of servitude. Не is stated in his
records as having arrested at the command of his father the power ofthe three kings of

Indian Antiquary, Vol. VII - p. 112.

Indian Antiquary, Vol. VII - p. 300.

Journal of Bom. Br. Roy. As. Soc., Vol. XVI, - p. 231.

Indian Antiquary, Vol. VI, - p. 88.

Indian Antiquary, Vol. XIX, - p. 146.

Journal of Oriental Research of Madras, Vol. X, Part 1. - p. 27.

Indian Antiquary, Vol. УП, p. 300 & Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XIX, p. 62.
Indian Antiquary, Vol. VII, - p. 300.

Journal of Oriental Research, Madras, Vol. X, Part I, - p. 29., (foot note 9), .

PON AAP о ы

60 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

Pandya, Kerala and Chola and also of the Pallavas and so gratified his father’s mind by bring--
ing all the provinces into a state of peace and quiet. It is obvious from this as well as from
the statement inthe grants of his father Vikramaditya-I that after the conquest of the
‘Avanipati Tritaya’ or the Pallavas who were ruling in the three kingdoms of Ceded districts,
Nellore and Guntur districts, and Kanchi, the campaign against the south was continued by
Vikramaditya-I and later by his successor Vinayaditya, who seems to have reduced all the
southern chiefs in battles. There is a reference in the Rayagad' plates of Vijayaditya son of
Vinayaditya, in which itis stated that Vinayaditya made the kings of Kavera, Simhala,
Parasika, and other dwipas to pay tribute to him, and in addition he is supposed to have
obtained the Palidhwaja or a particular arrangement of flags in rows, by defeating the
supreme sovereigns of northern India. It is thus clear, that under Vinayaditya the power of
the Western Chalukyas which had been eclipsed during the last years of Pulakésin-II rose
once again to its zenith. .

This inscription was issued from the war camp at the city of Banamkallu, and was
intended to record the grant of the village Panyal to one Madhavaswamy, well versed in the
Vedas, who was the son of Godariswamy and grand son of Priyankaraswami of the Bhara-
dwajasa Gotra. The village Panyal was at a distance of 2 Krosas from Dharmapura on the
southern bank of Krishna. The village was granted free of taxes and penalties. Banam-
kallu has been identified by Pandit Sarma with Panagallu about ten miles from Wanaparti
in Mahaboobnagar district. Dharmapura is perhaps the same as Dharmavaram which is
at a distance of two Krosas from Pallipadu. It is possible that the word Paniyal may refer
to the village Pallipadu from where the grant was discovered. Except for the name of the
village and the other details of the grant, this grant follows closely the other records of
this king. The importance of this grant is in the fact that this is the earliest grant of
Vinayaditya issued in the second year of his reign and hence the date that is obtained from
this grant of his accession to the throne can be accepted to be authoritative.

1. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. X, - p. 14.

TEXT AND PLATES
OF
THE PANIYAL GRANT OF VINAYADITYA-I

COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM
FIRST PLATE: SECOND SIDE
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INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI

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63

SECTION П

THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF KALYANI

CHAPTER VII

П. A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAN
DYNASTY OF KALYANI

1. INTRODUCTION

'The Badami Western Chalukyan rule over the Deccan came to an end round about 750
A. D., with the rise of the Rashtrakatas who ruled for nearly 200 years with their capital at
Manyakhéta or Malkhed. Though the power of the Western Chalukyas was thus over-
shadowed, they did not completely cease to exist, but were ruling as small feudatories here
and there. After a period of nearly 200 years of rule by the Rashrrakütas, the Western
Chalukyas rose to prominence again, as the Western Chalukyas of Kalyani, and ruled for a
further period of 200 years.

There are some traditional accounts giving the genealogical connection between the
Western Chalukyas of Badami, and the Western Chalukyas of Kalyani. The last ruler of the
Badami line was Kirtivarma-II and we have no contemporaneous evidence to show, whether
he left any offspring or not. The traditional connection between the Western Chalukyan
lines of Badami and Kalyani is given in the Kauthem grant' of 1009 A. D. which gives us a
list of seven kings spread over a period nearly 240 years counting from the last date of
Vijayaditya of the Badami line to the reign of Taila-I] who was the first important ruler of
the Kalyani line of the Western Chalukyas. The connection is as follows:

Vi ие of Badami line

| P
Vikramaditya-II Blalna-I
| (From here the Kalyani line of the
Kirtivarma-IT Western Chalukyas starts)

Badami line
Kirtivarma-11I

Taila-
Vikramadityo-III
Bhima-II
Ayyana
Vikram adi tya-IV
Taila-II (973-996 A.D.)

2 Т л asi

‘° 72, Indian Antiquary Vol. XVI, 15-24

68 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

About ali the kings from Bhima-I to Bhima-II, we have no record at all, except the:
bare mention of their names. Even about Ayyana wë have only some fragmentary references..
Of Vikramaditya-IV also we have no clear mention. Thus the main line of the Western.
Chalukyas of Kalyani may be said to start with the reign of Тайа-П

2. TAILA-II (973 A.D. — 996 A.D.)

His full name is Ahavamalla Nurmadi Тайа-П. We find references to him as a feudatory
of Krishna-III of the Rashtraküta dynasty, in 957 and 965 A.D. They mention a Tailapayya
as a subordinate in charge of a Nadu. From this subordinate station Taila-II would appear
to have strengthened his position and consolidated his reign. The growing weakness of the
central power of the Rashtrakütas kindled his ambition and when Malkhed or Manyakheta the
capital of the Rashrrakutas was plundered by the Paramaras of Malwa, Taila got his chance.

The collapse of ће Rashtrakuta power was complete and Taila-II asserted his position
more or less as the heir to the Rashtrakita kingdom. Тайа-П was married to а Rashtraküta
princess called Jakkavve by name, who was the daughter ofa certain Bhammaharatta, and
had two sons by her, the elder being called Satyasraya, .and the younger being called Dasa-
varma or Yasovarma.

3. SATYASRAYA (997 — 1008 A.D.)

Taila-II was succeeded by his eldest son Satyasraya who had two Birudas or titles,
called Akalankacharita and Irivabedanga which means a wonderful man among those who
pierce in attack, There are about nine records of his period most of which mention him as
the reigning king.

From certain Chola records, we learn that Satyasraya had to fight constantly with the
Chola king of the South. He had the feudatory the Maha Samantha Sobhana Rasa. He had
a daughter who was married to the Nolamba chieftain Iriva Nolambadhi Raja. She is descri-
bad in one inscription as the grand daughter of Taila, the daughter of Satyasraya, and the
younger sister of Vikramaditya. Satyasraya thus consolidated the position and power of the
Western Chalukyas of Kalyani and paved the way for their future glory.

4. VIKRAM ADITYA-V. (1008 A.D.|.— 1015 A.D.).

The next name given in the genealogical table after Satyasraya is Dasavarma or Yaso-
varma. ‘There are no records issued during his reign and infact his name is omitted in the
later records. Hence, it would appear that he did not actually reign after Satyasraya.
Thus, Satyasraya was succeeded in 1008 A.D. by his nephew Vikramaditya-V who had a very
short reign of three or four years only. Vikramaditya had the Biruda Tribhuvana Malla. The
Kauthem Grant from Miraj during his reign gives Saka year 930 with the mention of lunar
eclipse which falls in 1009 A.D. He too would appear to have had only a nominal reign.

5. JAGADEKA MALLA JAYASIMHA-II (1015 A.D. — 1042 A.D.)
After Vikramaditya-V, we have Аууапа-П, the younger brother of Vikramaditya and:

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF KALYANI 69

then Akkadévi, the elder sister of Jayasimha-II. Though a few records mention them, they
do not appear to have been powerful monarchs and there are also doubts whether they were
actually reigning monarchs or not.

The next powerful king who may be said to be the successor of Vikramaditya-V was
his younger brother /ауазітһа-П. Не had the Biruda of Jagadéka Malla. His queen was
Suggaladévi. Не had a daughter named Hamma who was married to the Yadava prince
Billama-III. Yt would appear that Jayasimha, soon after he came to throne had to engage
in war to recover the territory lost to the Chola kings by the inroads made by them in
Satyasraya’s time. The Cholas of the South were busy in waging war against the Pandyas,
the Kéralas and the Sinhalese and the death of Vimaladitya in Vengi about 1020 A.D. gave
Jayasimha an opportunity to interfere with the affairs of that kingdom so that one of his
own nominees may be kept on the throne. Jayasimha would appear to have recovered the
Raichur Doab, crossed the Tungabhadra and extended his rule even up to Bellary district.
The capital of the kings was still at Manyakhéta only, which was also the capital of Rashtra-
katas, though an inscription of Jayasimha mentions other different places like Balagamve,
Kollipakkai, Pottalakeri etc.

6. SOMESWARA-I (1042 A.D. — 1068 A.D.)

Jayasimha was succeeded by his son Someswara-I who had the titles of Trailokya Malla
and Ahava Malla. Не had two queens by name Bachala Dévi and Chandadakabbe or
Chandrika Devi who had the title Priyarasi. He had two more queens called Mailala Devi
and Ketala Devi. There are a good number of lithic records of his reign. It was during the
reign of Someswara- that the city of Kalyani was built, to which the capital was shifted.
Bilhana, the great poet in his Vikramankadéva Charita credits Soméswara with the construc-
tion of the capital city of Kalyani. We have also evidence from inscriptions stating that
Kalyani was the capital of this line of Chalukyan kings from the reign of this king.

Someswara was assisted by a great Brahmin General by name Nagavarma who was his
principal officer. The importance of this General will be known by the fact that he held the
following titles ;

Vindhyadhipamallasiracchedana
Sevanadisapatta

Chakrakita Kalakita
Dharavarshadarpotpatana and
Marasimha Madamardana

A Kannada verse from an inscription' from Nanded states that Someswara took the
lives of the enemy kings of Magadha, Kalinga and Anga and forced the kings of Konkana to
prostrate at his feet by the ferocity of his attack. Heis also said to have conquered king

1. The Early History of the Decean, Yazdani, p. 330.

70 «(COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

Malaveswara, Chola and to have won over the kings of Véngi and Kalinga.

Soméswara’s reign is important because it was during his rule that the foundation of
the Kakatiya Empire was laid. It is stated from the Kazipet inscription' that in recognition
of the meritorious service of Prala-I, who was responsible for the growth of the kingdom,
Trilokya Malla bestowed Anmakonda Vishaya on him in perpetuity.

Soméswara was engaged in a series of warfare with the Cholas of the South and ‘it
would appear that Rajadhiraja, the famous Chola king fell ina battle with him in 1071
A.D. The Chola records, however, mention several victories gained against the Western
Chalukyas and whatever be the course of events between both these kings, it is clear that
the feud between the Western Chalukyas and Cholas was kept up.

Under Soméswara-I, the Chalukyan power greatly expanded. Vengi was completely
brought under his control, and both the Paramaras and the Pratiharas who were a major
power in the North were his feudatories. He kept up a vigorous struggle with the Cholas
in the South. He would appear to have died somewhere round about 1068 A. D. and
there is an inscription which shows that he sought a watery grave in the Tungabhadra river
in March 1068 A. D. His Parama Yoga or final union took place at Kuruvatti on the
Tungabhadra banks on the 29th March 1068 A. D

7. SOMESW ARA-II (1068 A. D. - 1076 A. D.)

Someswara-I was succeeded by Someswara-II who had the title of Bhuvanaika Malla.
Someswara-II had to contend, with the intrigues of his brother and others for the throne.
Except for his trusted lieutenant Laxmana Dandanayaka and a few others, in whom he
could repose complete confidence he could trust none else. His brother was continuously
making intrigues to wrest the throne from him and hence Someswara-II had to exert his
very best to hold the empire together. His brother Vikramaditya-V1 was already ruling over
some territory assigned to him. His brother was carrying on the old feud with the Cholas
and a decisive battle would appear to have been fought somewhere in the Kolar district
between Vikramaditya's forces and those of Kulottunga Chola. Bilhana, the great poet, says
that as a result of the warfre, іп which the armies of Someswara and Kulottunga simul:
taneously fought with those of Vikramaditya, the Dravida Lord fled the field and Somadeva
entered the prison

There is one inscription in the Hyderabad Museum which says that Vikramaditya took
over the kingdom from Someswara by the force of his arms.?
"Sometwarad Bahubalena Rajyam Grihitavan Arjita Kirti Lakshmi

This inscription and the statement of Bilhana, make it clear that Vikramadityd:VI led
a civil war against his brother Soméswara-IJ and made him captive. How long Someswara
livéd in the prison and what his ultimate end was, and how it came about, are not known. ॑

1. Hyderabad Arch. Series No. 13, р. 26. 2. The Early History of the Deccan, Yazdani, p. 355 - (foot note 4).

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF KALYANI 71

8. VIKRAMADITYA-VI (1076 A.D. - 1126 A.D.) :

Someswara-II was’thus deposed and succeeded on the throne by his younger brother
Vikramadityó-VI who had the Biruda of Tribhuvanamalla. Vikramaditya came to the throne
somewhere in 1076 A.D., which is determined from an inscription' at Wadageri of Andhra
Pradesh, which records some gifts made at the Pattabandhana Mahotsava on Phalguna
Sukla Panchami of the cyclic year Nala. Vikramaditya instituted a new era called Chalukya
Vikrama era, which was regularly employed during his entire reign and for 40 or 50 years
later. An inscription’ from Gadag mentions that Vikramaditya set aside the Saka varsha and.
made his owh name famous by instituting a Vikrama varsha.

The long reign of Vikramaditya-VI was fairly peaceful and there are innumerable
epigraphical records of his reign, numbering more than 150. These epigraphs give us very
interesting glimpse into the conditions of the lives of the people during this period. It
would appear that Vikramaditya-VI had more than six queens by names: Savaladévi, daugh-
ter of Mahamandaléswara Jogamarasa, Lakshmadevi, Jakkaladevi, daughter of Tikka of the
Kadamba family, Malléyamadevi, Chandaladévi, and Malaladevi, daughter of the Sanabhoga
Rayana etc.

Vikramaditya-V{ had a brother Jayasimha-11I, who was ruling as governor at Tardvadi
even under Someswara-I. Under Soméeswara-II, he became the viceroy of Nélamba-Sindavadi
and since he sided with Vikramaditya in the civil war, his position became strengthened.
Jayasimha was also raised to the status of Yuvaraja at Banavasi. But atalater stage, Jaya-
simha would appear to have revolted against Vikramaditya-VI himself, following his own
footsteps when he revolved against his brother Someswara. His revolt against Vikramaditya
would appear to have not succeeded.

Vikramaditya extended his dominions widely and the provenance of'his inscription at.
such places like Sitabaldi (Nagpur) down to Krishna district prove that he had fult
command over the entire dominion. Vikramaditya-VI was served by 2 number of generals
who distinguished themselves in war.

9. SOMESWARA-II (1126 A.D. — 1138 A.D.)

Vikramaditya was succeeded by his son Someswara-III who was also known as Bhüloka-
malla. He was also styled sometimes as Sarvajiia Chakravarthi. Like his father, he too
began an era of his own called Bhiloka Malia era, though the Chalukya Vikrama era was
also in vogue. His rule was on the whole peaceful, though he is once said to have gone to’
the South on a Digvijaya. Kalyani continued to be the capital of the kingdom and many
inscriptions state that the king was reigning there. Someswara-III is also the author of the
work called Abhilashitartha Chintamani or Manasollasa which deals with the science of

1. Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXII p. 109.
2. Epigraphia Indica, Vol, XV . p. 350.

72 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

administration, justice, medicine, astrology etc.
10. JAGADEKA MALLA-H (1138 A.D. — 1149 A.D.)

Someswara-III had two sons of whom the name of the elder one is unknown to us.
His inscriptions always mention him only by the titles Perma and Jagadéka Malla. He is to,
be distinguished from Jagadéka Malla-I by the additional title of Pratapa Chakravarti given
to him. On the whole, his reign was peaceful and prosperous.

11. TAILA-III (1149 A.D. — 1162 A.D.)

Jagadékamalla-II was succeeded by his brother Taila-III who is described as Tailapa
and Narmadi Taila. Не had also the Biruda of Trilokya Malla, and was also called as
Chalukya Chakravarthi. Very few of his records have come out. 7aila-III was not an able
ruler and several subordinates like the Hoyasalas, the Kakatiyas and the Yadavas who were
administering various provinces of the kingdom were only waiting for an opportunity to
assert their independence. Danger came from Kalachürya Bijjala who was ably served by
several generals. Bijjala would appear to have asserted his independence after sometime.
Thus, during the period of Taila-I7], the forces of disruption had already manifested them-
selves.

12. SOMESWARA-IV (1182 A.D. - 1200 A.D.)

Taila-III was succeeded by Someswara-IV, though Someswara did not immediately
come to the throne after the death of hisfather. There was an interregnum after the reign
of Taila-II], and the earliest record that we have of Someswara-IV is from 1183 A.D. He
too had the Biruda of Tribhuvanamalla and also a title Vira Narayana. With Soméswara-IV
the Western Chalukyan line of Kalyani came to anend. The Gadag inscription' of Bhillama
enables us to know the story of the final disappearance of the Western Chalukyan empire of
Kalyani. The Hoyasalas, and the Kakatiyas who were already asserting their independence
completed the process, and with Someswara-IV, this line of kings came to an end.

13. GENEALOGY

Thus fora period of nearly 200 years from the time of Тайа-П in 973 A.D. to
Soméeswara-IV in 1200 A.D. the Western Chalukyans of Kalyani ruled the land. They were а
powerful line of rulers, who claimed relationship with the Western Chalukyas of Badami.
With them the Western Chalukyan empire came to an end, and they were succeeded by
Yadavas, Kakatiyas and Hoysalas under whom the Deccan rose to even greater prominence.
The genealogy and chronology of these kings would be roughly as follows:

— — MM MÀ Á——

1. Epirgapbia Indica, Vol. III, p. 217.

P

(10) INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF KALYANI 73

Ahavamalla Nürmadi E iab (973 A.D. - 996 A.D.)

—

I
Akalanka Charita Irive Bedanga Satyasraya Dasavarma or Yasovarma

(997 - 1008 A.D.) (No records of his rule are available)
= |
| | | |
Tribhuvanamalla ` Ayyanna Akkadevi Jagadekamalla
Vikramaditya-V. (No records of his (No records of her Jayasimha-II.

(1008 A.D. - 1015 A.D.) rule are available) rule are available) (1015 dud - 1042 A.D.

—— —— M ————————— ————

zd M
Trilokyamalla Ahavamalla Someswara-I. Hamma or Avalladevi )
(1042 A.D. - 1068 A.D.)
|

| |
Bhuvanaika Malla Soméswara-H. Tribhuvanamalla Pérmadi Vikramaditya-VI.
(1068 A.D. - 1076 A.D.) (1076 A.D. to 1126 A.D.)

Bhüloka Malla, Someswara-III
(1126 A.D. to 1138 A.D.)
|

lS ce [| A
Permadi Jagadeka Malla-II. Trailokya Malla Nurmadi Тайа-ПІ
(1138 A.D. - 1155 A.D.) (1150 A.D. - 1163 A.D.)

Tribhuvanamalla Vira Someswara-IV
(1184 A.D. - 1200 A.D.)

CHAPTER VIII

KALLASAMBI PLATES OF VIKRAMADITYA-VI

A set of copper plate bearing inscriptions in the medieval Nagari script were brought
to the Hyderabad Department of Archaeology several years ago. These plates were kept
along with unwanted material, in one of the almyrahs of the office and while examining
them, I came upon this set of copper plates along with some others, and the plates are now
being carefully preserved in the Government Museum. Except for the fact that the
plates were brought from.Raichur district which formed part of Hyderabad state, no. other
details are available either in the records of the department or in the accession register of
the museum.

The inscription is written on three copper plates held together by a ring. The plates
are rectangular in shape and measure each 32 cms. in length and 22.5 cms. in breadth. The
outer sides of the first plate and thelast plate have no writing and the middle plate is
written on both the sides. | |

The plates have the rims well raised and hence the writing is preserved very well
There is a hole in the left side of the plates, for a ring to pass through. The ring is fastened
by the usual typical seal of the Western Chalukyans of Kalyani. The seal is also made of
copper and it measures 3" in diameter. The ring had not been cut when these plates were
rescued by me. In the centre of the ring is a deeply sunken surface with the figure of a boar
or Varaha facing to the proper right. Above the boar in two rows are the Sun, a Chauri, a
crescent moon, a Swastika and a drum. Behind the boar is a symbol which appears
to be a lamp stand or a flag staff. Below the Varaha Lanchana is a legend in old Canarese.
characters “Srimat Chalukya Bhüvallabha". The total weight of the plates and the seal is
2570 grams and 1175 grams respectively.

There are in all 93 lines of writing distributed as follows :

First plate second side 23 lines
Second plate first side 24 lines
Second plate second side 24 lines
Third plate first side 22 lines

Total 93 lines

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF KALYANI 75

The inscription in the copper plate is written in the typical Nagari script of the grants
of the Western Chalukyas of Kalyani. The language is throughout Sanskrit, except for the
names, and the grant is free from errors in writing or in syntax. As regards the orthography
the peculiarities noted in the other similar plates occur in this also, as for example nasals
being represented by the Anuswara, ‘Va’ and ‘Ba’ being inter-changed etc.

The inscription records the grant of the village Kallasambi by the king in the 7th year
of the Chalukya Vikrama era at the request of Bhartadeva who was Dandanayaka or a

commander. Тһе cyclic year is given as Dundubhi Samvatsara and the date of the grant is
Sravana Suddha Chaturdasi. The week day of the grant is Monday. The purpose of the
grant was to make an endowment to the temple of Sri Bhatteswara of the Nandivatikagrama
for the.purpose of repairing, white washing, carrying on music and dance, burning incense,
giving flowers, lamps, and Nivedana for the Lord, feeding the students who were studying
there, as well as for the benefit of the brahmins. The grant was made free of all taxes, in
such a manner that the royal kings will not enjoy even an inch of land there. The boundaries
of the village Kallasambi are also given. The grant ends with the usualimprecatory verses
from the Vyasagita.

The date of the grant is said to be the 7th year of the Chalukya Vikrama era. The
cyclic year Nala or Anala corresponding to Saka 999 i.e. 1076-77 A.D. is reckoned as
the first year of the new era initiated by Vikramaditya at his accession. Reference to this
is given in an inscription! at Wadageri in Andhra Pradesh which records the danas or the
gifts made at the Pattabandhan Mahotsava. The year of this inscription has been accepted
by various scholars to be the date of coronation. This date corresponds to 11th February,
1076 A.D. and this is generally accepted as the date of coronation of Vikramaditya-VI.

The details given about the present date of the grant are that it is in the 7th year of
the Chalukya Vikrama era, the cyclic year being Dundubhi, the date of the grant being the
Suddha or Sukla Chathurdasi of the Sravana month and the week day being Somavara. Treat-
ing the year 1076 A.D. as the starting point of the Vikrama era, the 7th running regnal year
would be 1082 A.D. In 1082 A.D. the Sravana month, according to the luni-solar month
system of reckoning the months, prevalent in Deccan, starts from 29th of June and ends
with the 28th of July. Within this ambit, the Suklapaksha Chaturdasi falls on the 11th
February, and this also happens to be a Monday which tallies well with the details given
in the grant. Therefore, the date of the grantis 11th July, 1082 A.D. Thus the details
given in the grant are susceptible of astronomical verification and this gives us evidence
regarding:the correctness of the starting point of the Vikrama era started by Vikramaditya-VI.

The grant opens with the usual Chalukyan verse of prayer Jayatyavishkritam Vishno’

etc. This is in the Anushtup metre and in this the Lord Vishnu who had taken the Avatara as

1. Indian Antiquary Vol. XXII p. 109.

76 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

Varaha in order to uplift the world is praised. The world is supposed to rest on the Lord’s
right tusk. The grant opens witha prayer that such a Lord may be victorious. In the
2nd verse which is in the Malini metre a prayer is given that the Lrod Vishnu in the form of
а Varaha who is described here as 'Sripati' and Кубай ғара and whose fearful and white
tusk bore the brunt of the earth may give us prosperity and blessings. In the 3rd verse
which is іп Aryagiti metre, itis stated that king Tribhuvanamalla Bhüpati whose fame was
without blemish attracted to himself the entire world surrounded by a girdle made of his
own glory. The king is supposed to have attracted to himself the earth in the form of a.
bride or Avanivadhi who is adorned with the ‘Rasana’ ога waist girdle which is made by the
oceans full of elephants and crocodiles.

The grant then goes on to describe in prose the Prasasti of the Western Chalukyas.
The Chalukyan kings are described here as being praised in the entire worlds, as belonging
to the 'Manavysaa Gotra' as being the sons of Hariti or ‘Hariti Putras’, as having obtained
by the grace of Lord Kausiki, the white umbrella, as being protected by “барға Matrikas’
or the seven divine mothers, as having obtained by the grace of Lord Kartikzya, the different
weapons like the Mayara Pincha etc., as having obtained the entire kingly universe by the
mere sight of the Varaha Lanchana which was obtained by the grace of Lord Narayana. In
this line, kings like Sarvalokasraya Vishnu Vardhaua, Vijayaditya etc. were born.

The grant next describes in the fourth verse which is in the Malini metre that the
Chalukya vamsa was famous as having swallowed the glory of the Nalas, as having won a
victory over the kings of the Kadamba and the Mauryas, and as having routed the power of
the Rashtrakütas as well as the Kalachuris. In the fifth verse, which is in Vasantatilaka metre,
itis stated that in this line of kings, fifty-nine sovereigns ruled formerly in Ayodhya, and
later sixteen of them reigned in the south. Then the grant says that for an interval of time,
the glory ofthe Chalukya line of kings was interrupted. In the sixth verse which is in the
Sardulavikridita metre it is stated that after this temporary obscuration of their fortune, the
Chalukyan line was once again restored by king Jayasimha Vallabha. The king is described
as a root for the creeper of fame, as a veritable ‘Kamala’ or a lotus for the Lakshmi Vilasa
or the play of the Goddess Lakshmi, as a thunderbolt to the enemy kings, and as the repre-
sentative of Lord Vishnu himself, and generally fulfilling all the desires of his people.

In the seventh verse which is in the Vasantatilaka metre the glory of this king is
described and it is stated that he bore the ‘Vallabha Ra jyalakshm? of the Chalukya kula after
uprooting the king Indra who was the son of king Krishna of the Rashtraküta line and after
defeating an army consisting of 800 elephants. The king is also said to have burnt down
500 enemy kings. In the eighth verse which is in the Arya metre, the son of Jayasimha viz.
Rana Raga is described. Не is said to be a veritable Rana Raga by conquering fearful
enemy horses, strong infantry, and crores of elephant hoards and also immersed in the

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF KALYANI TI.

contemplation of the feet of Lord Hara. In the 9th verse whichis іп Arya.metre, ‘Rana
Raga’s son Pulakesin is described as having been born just like Lord Krishna who killed the
demon Kesi, as ruling Vatapipuri, and as not being afflicted by the sins of Kali.

In the tenth verse which is in the Malini metre the glory of Pulakésin is continued.
It is stated that even now we are describing the greatness of Pulakésin with each limb be-
coming full of ‘Pulakankita’ merely on thinking of his?greatness. He had given as gifts for
Ritviks in the Asvamedha Үај?а two thousand horses, elephants and villages. In the eleventh
verse which is in the Malini metre the son of Pulakési viz. Kirtivarma is described as the
destroyer of the Nalas, the Mauryas and the famous Kadambas. He is in fact described as a
‘Kuthara’ or an axe that cut at the very roots of the above line of kings. His fame is so
great that all the mansions of the universe were filled with the white of his glory. In the
12th verse which is in the Manndakranta metre his younger brother Mangalesa is described
as having conquered the Révati Dvipa by the Nausetu Bandha or the boats, whose fame
had spread to all the worlds and as one who was а “Hata Рай” or a compulsory king
for the Kalachuris.

In the thirteenth verse which is also in the Mandakranta metre the description of
Mangalesa is continued, and he is stated as having reigned as a regent during the childhood
of his elder brother's son, and as having restored the kingdom to Satyasraya his elder
brother's son when he became an adult since no king born in the Chalukya kula will ever
swerve from the path of righteousness. In the fourteenth verse which is in the Vasantatilaka
metre the description of Satyasraya is continued. Не is described as having conquered іп
АП the cardinal directions, as having overran king Harsha i.e., Harshavardhana of Капаш]
and as having given to all people who came to him with a request, more than what they
asked for, on account of which the name Satyasraya itself became an Upalakshya only. In
the fifteenth verse which is in the Dhrutavilambita metre, it is stated that Satyasraya’s son
was born. He is described as having rid all the directions of difficulties or ‘Adamarikrita
Digvalaya’. Не is also described as having his fame proclaimed by the Damarüs everywhere
and as always worshipping the Lord Mrida or Lord Siva.

In the sixteenth verse, which is in the Trishtup Upajati, his son Adityavarman who was
full of all the good qualities and who was a Bhivallabha full of valour of his arms is
described. He had also earned by his meritorious actions or Punya Karmas, a Dharma
equivalent to that of Lord himself.

Verses seventeen to twentytwo which are in Anushtup metre then give a list of all the
kings who succeeded each other. The son of Adityavarman, was Vikramaditya who had
conquered the entire world by his valour. After him came Yuddha Malla who was
equivalent to Lord Yama himself іп Yuddha or battle. His own son was Vijayaditya who
had conquered four provinces and was equivalent to Vijaya or.Arjuna. After him came

78 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD . MUSEUM *

his son Vikramaditya, after him a brother of Vikramaditya whose name is not given, and:
after him the latter's son Kirtivarma. From him was born Taila and after him: Vikrama-
ditya. His son was Bhimaraja and after Ayyanarya who married the daughter of king
Krishna probably of the Rashtrakita line.

In the 23rd verse which is in Arya metre it is stated that to them was born Vikrama-
ditya whose fame had spread in the world, who had conquered his enemies, who had made
many conquests by his Téja or glory even as Lord Aditya and who had only truth or ‘Satya’
as his wealth. The twentyfourth verse which is also in the Arya metre states that Vikrama-
ditya married Bontadévi who was the daughter of king Lakshmana of the Chédiline. In
the twentyfifth verse which is in the Malini metre Taila is said to have been born to them
even as Vasudeva was born from Vasudeva and Dévaki, and as Guha from Parvati and
Ardhendumauli or Lord Siva.

Then in the twentysixth verse which is in the Arya metre the description of Taila is
continued. Such acts like breaking open the heads of the elephants of the enemies,
breaking upon the ememy forts and gates are said to be the playful and boyish pranks of
‘ king Taila. In the twenty seventh verse which is in Sardala Vikridita metre two kings by
name Karkara and Ranastamba belonging to the Rashtraküta Vamsa who were like the four
legs of Kali, who were wicked in their deeds or ‘Kriraw’, and who were as it were, the very
Sprouting place of all the ‘Gurujana Droha’ were said to have been conquered in battle
by this Taila. In the twenty eighth verse whichis in Vasantatilaka metre it is stated that
king Taila restored the fortunes of the Chalukya line of kings which had sunk low by the
attacks of the Rashtrakatas and whose fortunes had sunk just as the world had been sunk
by the Asuras before. Even as Lord Varaha lifted the world out of the seas in which it had
sunk in his Adivaraharüpa, this Taila lifted the fortunes of his family and bore the Vallabha
Ra jyalakshmi of the Chalukyakula.

In the twentyninth verse which is in Arya metre a bride by name Jakkava was said to
have been born to Bammaha Ratta of the Rashtraküta line even as Lakshmi was born from the
ocean. In the thirtieth verse which is in Trishtup Upajati, Sri Vikramaditya of the Chalukya-
kula who was a veritable Sarya or Bhanumali to the ‘Ambara’ or the sky of the Chalukya
Vamsa was said to have married the above mentioned Jakkava for the benefit of the world.
The union is described as close and appropriate as between the moon and the moon-light
or the Chandramasu and the Chandrika. In the 31st verse which is in Anushtup metre, it is
stated that from Sri Vikramaditya and Jakkava was born king Satyasraya even as Skanda
was born from goddess Ambika and Lord Triambaka.

In the 32nd verse which is in the Trishtup Upajati the marriage of Satyasraya’s younger
brother called Dasavarma with the queen by natae Bhagyavati is described and to them king
Sri Vikrama who was a Vikrama or one who was very proficient in valour was said to be

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF KALYANI 79

born. In the 33rd verse which is in Trishtup Upéndravajra it is stated that this king Vikrama:
ditya reigned after the time of his father's elder brother, and he broke the ‘Arikadamba’
or the group of his enemies by the valour of his arms. Then his younger brother came.
In the thirtyfourth verse which is in the Trishtup Upajati metre his younger brother Jagadeka-
malla is described as having came after him and by the all pervading glory of this king a
doubt was created for the ‘Amara sundaries’ or the angels whether the milky ocean or thé
‘Dugdhambudhi’ was not being increased, the idea being, that the glory of the king being
white a doubt was created whether this glory pervading the entire universe was not the
over-flowing milky ocean itself.

In the thirty-fifth verse which is in the Trishtup Upendravajra metre a description of
this king called Jayasimha Raja is given. He 15 described as a Jayasimha Raja which is
his name and which also is represented to mean a lion among the kings. Не is described іп
the verse as ‘Sada Vanastha’ or always active in protection. The same phrase ‘Sada Vanastha’
as applied to a lion would mean or always hunting in a forest. He is also described
as being quite efficient in breaking open the heads of the enemy elephants as would also a
lion. His glory is also said to be shining in the world even as the glory of a king lion
would be. In the thirty-sixth verse which is in the Malini metre, a description of the.
king who had the Biruda ‘Gandarul Ganda’ is given. It is stated that while he was
ruling, the entire universe obtained the title Rajanvati or the chance of being ruled
by a good king. The Lakshmi or the Goddess of royal wealth was living under his
‘Atapatra’ or his umbrella. His feet had also become ‘Sabalita’ or lit up by the gems in
the Kirita of the enemy kings. Inthe 37th verse which is in Arya metre a description of
the same king who is also described as Mallikamoda is given and the phrase contains a
double entendre. The phrase can be interpreted to mean that the smell of a 'Mallika'
or a jasmine is found in the region of the hair or the ‘Kuntavishaya’ which is of black
colour or ‘Krishnavarna’ and which had become smooth and shining by the 'Taila sneha
or the friendship of the oil. Conversely the verse could also be said to apply to the king
who was also known as Mallikamoda.

In the thirty-eighth verse which is in Trishrup upajati metre it is stated that to him
Ahavamalla was born who uprooted by the valour of his shining arms the enemy
kings. Inthe thirtynineth verse which is in Sragdhara metre the kings of Malva, Chola
and Kanyakubja are said to have felt the power of this king. The king of Malva had to
look after a shelter or а mantapa for himself. The lord of the Cholas had to go after the
shores of the sea which were full of the ‘Tala Vanas’ or the palmyrah trees. The king of
the Kanyakubja had to go after the Kandharas or the caves of the Himalayas being afraid
of the power of this king. All the enemy kings were thus deluded by fear or ‘Vibhrantha
chittha’. In the fortieth verse which is in Vasantatilaka metre a description of the same

80 FCOPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

king is continued and it is stated that the king is named as Chalukyakula Pradipa or a

veritable lamp for the Chalukyakula. The word Pradipa is not merely a descriptive word

but is full of meaning іп as much as this Pradipa or the king had destroyed the * Andhakara'

or the darkness of the Dvisha or the enemies after having taken into himself all the:
‘Gunas’ of ‘Taila’ or the Taila king. There is a pun on the word Pradipa here, which

is euphemestically referred to as a description of the king, but also literally can mean a

lamp which expels darkness. The darkness is the darkness of the enemies and that which

filled the Pradipa is the Tailaguna which can be interpreted to mean the oil or the virtues

of king Taila himself. |

The forty-first verse which is in Tristup Upajati mentions that the Chalukya Mahésvara
or the Mahésvara of the Chalukyas shines even as the power of Lord Mahésvara who defeated
Minaketu and who broke the great power of Andhakasura shines. In the forty-second verse
which is in the Vasantatilaka metre it is stated that from him was born king Bhuvanaika-
malla who was a tilaka to the Chalukya Vamsa. The king is described as being sought by
the poets and as sporting himself with the Sringara Vira and also as a veritable Chandra to
to the Nayanotpala or the lotus eyes of his beloveds. In the fortythird verse which is in
Sardülavikridita metre the valour of the king is described. Не is said to have sent forth in
every region of the sky his fame to rival the stream of the autumnal clouds, as it were,
in order to make all the regents of the quarters of space accept the evidence of his glory.

In the forty-fourth verse which is in the Mandakranta metre the accession of his
younger brother Vikramaditya to the throne is mentioned. The king is described as
bearing on his feet the glory of the other kings and as having wiped away the Anjana or the
collyrium from the eyes of the ‘Smérakshi’ or the ladies of the enemy kings, which anjana
was giving as it were, to their eyes the *Dhwantabhranti, or an illusion of the darkness. In
the forty-fifth verse which is in Praharshini metre, the king is said to have been known as
Tribhuvanamalla and as having taken away the fame of ‘Naki Sakhi', or the Kalpaka Vriksha
and as bearing by the valour of his arms the ‘Phanisa’ or the ‘Adisésha’ whois bowed by the
weight of the earth. In the forty-sixth verse which is in the Mandakranta metre a descrip-
tion of this Chalukya kingis given. A description is given ofthe king and his activities
which will apply to him as well as the Sriramachandra. In the last and forty-seventh verse
which is in Sardalavikridita metre a description of the glory of the king is continued further.

The above king Vikramaditya-VI who is next described in the grant as Prithvi Vallabha,
Mahara jadhi Raja, Parama Mahesvara, Parama Bhattaraka, Satyasraya Kulatilaka, Chalukya
Kulabharana and is styled as ‘Srimat Tribhuvana Malladzva’ called a meeting of all the people
and made the grant of the village in the 7th year of the Chalukya Vikrama era on
Sravana Suddha Chaturdasi, Monday or Somavara and made known the grant to the temple
of Sri Bhattésvara of the Nandivatika grama for the purpose mentioned. The date of the

(11) INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF KALYANI 81

grant has been discussed by me above. The village Nandivatika may perhaps be identified
with the Nandigrama which is mentioned in Mahaküta pillar inscription of Mangalésa' and
which has been identified with modern Nandikésvar near Badami or Bijapur.

The grant gives the details of the following list of things.

Jayasimha
Ran Raga
Pulakas in
టు న.
Satyasraya
Nidamari
A कळि
Vikramaditya-I
Yuddhamalla
Vi jayadi tya
Vikrámadityadi Name iot known
Kirtivarma-II
T alla-I
Vikramaditya-TIT
Bhimara ja
A yyanarya
Vikramadi tya-IV
Taila-II
Vikramaditya- V (married Jakkava)
SG Dasavarma

|
Jagadékamalla, Jayasimharaja, Mallikamoda
Ahavamalla
Chalukya T ahéswara

|
Sri Vikrama

| |
Bhuvanaikamalla Vikramaditya-VI, Tribhuvanamalla

1. Indian Antiquary, Vol. XIX, - p. 9,

4
82 - COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

On comparing the above genealogy with the details known from other records we
may note here, that the statement in the grant that Satyasraya-I who is Pulakésin-II was
followed by a son Nidamari who was followed by Adityavarma is not corroborated by
earlier records. Vikramaditya who is here stated to be the son of Adityavarma was really
the son of Satyasraya-I and Adityavarma was one of his brothers. There is no Nidamari in
this line at all. Yuddhamalla’s name is given more correctly in the Satara inscriptions
as Vinayaditya. The disaster in the reign of Kirtivarma-IJ is a reference to the conquest by
the Rashtrakata Dandivarma at about 754 A.D. After that the Western Chalukyas of Kalyani
came to power at about 924 A.D. and hence the statement in the present grant covering a
period of two centuries is not fully exhaustive. From other grants we find that king
Dasavarman mentioned here has not reigned at all.

Verse thirty seven where a play on the word Mallikamoda is given is noteworthy.
The verse can mean that Mallikamoda (which is another name of the king) is very
illustrious in the land of Kuntala which is very famous for the river Krishnavarna and has a
loyalty arising from affection for king Taila. The verse can also mean that a fragrance of
jasmine pervades the braid of hair which has a famous black hue or Krishna varna and
smoothness caused by oil. Kuntala is well known as the general name for the Western
Chalukyan territory. Krishnavarna is another name for the river Krishna on account of its
confluence with the Varna three miles east of Satara. Possibly the phrase Vikhyata Krishna-
varna has also a reference to the fertile black soil for which the land was famous.

The purpose for which the grant was given is very interesting, since it was given for
the worship of the Lord in the temple at the Nandivatika grama, and was intended for such
items as repair, white washing, and minor repairs of walls that had fallen down, music
and dance before the Lord, burning incense, giving flowers, lamps, and Nivédana for the
Lord, feeding the students who were studying there etc. The grant was made free of all
taxes.

This is an interesting and important rocord of the Western Chalukyan king Vikrama-
ditya-VI given in his seventh regnal year.

5 rn
“2,

Ф

है YULYq902 а

ç

TEXT AND PLATES
OF
THE KALLASAMBI PLATES OF VIKRAMADITYA-VI

(Note: The number of the verses is given in brackets after each verse. )

84

COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

FIRST PLATE: SECOND SIDE
[ओं] जयत्याविष्कृतं विष्णोर्वाराहं क्षोमिताण्णवं | दक्षिणोन्नतदंष्राग्रविश्रांतभुवनं ag: (1)
श्रियमुपहरताद्वः श्रीपतिः Heed विकटविशददंष्ट्ापांतविश्रांतभाजं। अवहददयदंष्ा कृष्ट
विस्पष्टकांडप्रतनुविसजटाग्रग्रंथिवद्यो धरित्री (2) करिमकरमकरिकांकितजलनिधिरशनां वशी

` करोत्वंवनिवधूं | त्रिसुवनमळभूपतिरकलंकंयशोंबुराशि वेळयितभुवंन: (3) ఇళ; अस्ति समस्त
.. भुवनसंस्तूयमानमानव्यसगोत्राणां हारीतिपुत्राणां कोशिकीवरप्रसादलब्धरवेतातपत्रादिरों
ज्येचिह्ानां . संप्त॑मातृकापरिरंक्षितानां कार्तिकियवरप्रसादलब्धमयूर पिच्छकुंतध्वजानां भगव

. ` न्ारायणप्रसादासादितवरवराहछांछनेक्षणक्षणवेशीकृतारातिराजमंडळानां समस्तभुवना

श्रयसवलोकाश्रयविष्णुवद्धनविजयादित्या दिविशेषना्नां राजरलानामुद्धवमूमिः। ఇళ, क

"वलितनललक्ष्मीदुजयोजित्यहारी बिंहतप्र(थु)कदम्बाडम्बरो मौर्यनिजित्‌। निजभुजबलमून्नो त्पाट

यत्राष्ट्रकूटा न्खिलितकरूचुरिश्रीरलि яттан: (4) aay राज्यमनुपाल्थ गतेषु राजस्वेकान्नष ष्टि
पुराष्ययोध्य । -तद्वंशजास्तदनु षोडशमूमिपाठाः eat दक्षिणापथजुषं बिभरां ब

44: (5) meni कतिपयपुरुषांतरितायां चाळुक्यकुल्संपदि qas

аза एव | s<: कीत्तिलतांकुरस्य कमलं ळक्ष्मीविलासास्पदं ast वैरिमहीभृतां प्रतिनिधि
दुवस्य dag: राजासीजयसिंहवंछभः इति ख्यातश्वरित्रेनिजेयों रेजे चिरमादिराजचरि
теат: प्रजानां हरन्‌ (6) यो राष्ट्रकूटकुळमिंद्र इति प्रसिद्धं कृऽणाह्ृयस्यसुतमष्टशतेमसैन्यं | नि
जित्य. दग्घनृपपंचशतो аяқ भूयश्चछुक्यकुरवछमराजक्ष्मी (7) चडुलरिपुतुरगपदुत (भ)
टकरटिष |
टाकोटिघटितरणराग: सुकूतहरचरणरागसतनयोभूतस्य रणराग: (8) तत्तनयः पुलकेशी केशिनि
पूदूनसमोभवद्राजा.। वातापिपुरीबरपतिरकछितखरळकलिकरूंककलः (9) वयमपि पुलकेशि `
क्ष्मापति. adda: पुरककलितदेहाः पञ्यताच्यापिसंतः | स हि तुरगगजेंद्रग्नामसार॑ weg
ая (аата (10) तत्तनयः | नळनिरुयविलोपी मौर्यनिर्याणहेतुः प्रथितप्रथुक
दम्बस्तम्ब भेदी कुठारः | -मुवनमवनमागापूरणारंभमारव्यवसितसितकीत्तिः कीत्तिवर्मा नृपोभूत्‌ (11)

.- 844 तस्यानुजः |. सव्वीपाक्रमणमहसोः यस्य नोसेतुबंधेरुल॒॑ध्याब्धि व्यधितप्रतनारेवतीद्वीप

е

कोपं | राज्यश्रीणां हठपतिरभूच्चश्चकालचुरीणां a भूमिं सहससकलैमगलैमगलीश: (12) ज्येष्ठ

SECOND PLATE: FIRST SIDE

^c आतुः सतिसुततेबरेप्यर्भकत्वादशक्तेयस्मिज्ञात्मन्यक्रत हि धुरं मंगलीश: एथिव्याः | तसिन्प्त्या पिपदथ म

हीं यूनि सत्याश्रये सो चाहक्यानां क इव हि. पथो धर्मतः च्यवेत (13) Agai विजित-
हर्षमहानृपस्य दा

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THE KALLASAMBI PLATES ОЕ VIKRAM ADITYA-

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INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF KALYANI 85

ुर्मनोरथशता धिकमर्थयद्‌भ्यः | सत्या दिसर्वगुणरत्नागणाकरस्य सत्याश्रयत्वमुपलक्षणमेव यस्य (14) अ
इमरीकृतदिखळयो दित द्विडमरीपरिगीतमहायशाः | सृडमरिष्टमिदं मनसोद्वहन्निङमरिक्षितिपो

जनि aga: (15) ad गुणरत्नमाली भूवछमोमूद्‌भुजवीर्यशाली। आदित्यवर्माजितपुण्य-
कर्मा ते

जोभिर।दित्यसमानधर्मा (16) तत्सुतो वि्रमादित्यो विक्रमाकांत्‌भुतलः | ततोपि युद्धमलाख्यो युद्धे य

मसमो नृपः (17) तञ्ञन्मा बिंजयादित्यो ` वीरानेकांगसंगरे । चतुण्णों मंडछानामेप्यजयद्वि-
जयोपमः (18) त॒ |

za विक्रमादित्यः कीर्चिवर्मा तद्रजः । येन चाङकयराजश्रीरंतरायिण्यंभूद्‌ः भुवि (19)
विक्रमादिस्यभूपाळ्रा

ता भीमपराक्रमः | तत्सू नु: की तिवर्मामून्मृत्मासा दितदुर्जनः (20) तेलमूपस्ततो जातो विक्रमा दित्म-भू
पतिः। तत्सूनुरभवत्तस्मा भीमरांजोरिभीकरः (21) अय्यणारयैस्ततो जज्ञे age श्रियं аҹ |

qafa

а ай खं स яй कृष्णनंदनां (22) अभवत्तयोस्तनूज़ों विभवविभासी विरोधिविध्वंसी ] ते
जोविजितादित्य: सत्यधनो विक्रमादित्यः (23) चेदीशवंशतिलकां.ठक्ष्मणराज |

स्य agai नुतशीलां | बोंठादेवीं विधिवत्परिणिन्ये विक्रमादित्य: (24) सुनमिव
agaa वासुदेवं गुहमिव गिरिजा मिर्देवमद्धेदुमौलेः | अजनयदथ

बोंथांदेव्यतस्तेळभूप । 'विभवविजितशक्र विक्रमार्दित्यनाम्न: (25) अरिकुंमिकुभ मेंदरनरिषुदुग

कवाटभंजनप्रभृतिः | सहजबरस्य हरेरिव बालाक्रीडाभवद्यस्य (26) किंच | राष्ट्रकूटकुलराष्ट्रसंवद्धावु
भौ। ओर्जित्याचरणाविवप्रचलितो AAS: क्रामतः Ril बद्धशरीरकौ गुरुजनद्रोहप्ररो

हाविव | काछाखखंडितराष्टरकूटककुलश्रीवछिजातांकुरो । छलौ येन सुखेन' कर्कररणभ्तंभौः रणोः
गणे (27) इत्थं पुरा दितिसुतैरिव' भूतधात्री यो रा्ट्रकुटकुटिलेगमितामथस्तात्‌ |3539 माधव इवा -
दिवराहरूपो बच्चे चढक्यकुलवलछमराज्यलईमी (28) मम्महरंट्वादभवद्‌ भूपालाद्वाष्टकूटकुछृतिलका
त्‌ । रक्ष्मीरिव सलिलनिधे: श्रीजाकव्वाहया कन्या (29) चाळुक्यवेश्ांबरभानुमाली 94394918 उपा
gaat | तयोश्च लोकाभ्युदयाय' योगः स चन्द्रिकाचन्द्रमसो रिवासीत्‌ (30) श्रीतेछभूमिपालात्‌
श्रीजाक

व्वा समजीजनत्‌ | श्रीमत्सत्याश्रयं wana safe (ब) कादिवः (31) чет: -श्रीदशबमेः-
नामा AZAT भाग्यव

तीति देवी | तयोरमूद्विक्रमशीरुशाली श्री विक्रमा दित्यनृपस्तनूजः (32) असौ निजथ्येष्ठपितुः परोक्षं ब

86

à 9;

96.

wo

АЗ.

a u

COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

SECOND PLATE: SECOND SIDE

भार атча धरित्रीं । भुजेन केयूरलतामिवोचेविंदारितारातिकदंबकेन (33) तदनु तस्या
99: | यपघ्याखिलव्यापियशोवंदातमकांडदुशांबुधिवृद्धिशकां । करोति मुग्धामरसुंदरीणा
मभूत्सभूपो जगदेकमछः (34) सदावनस्थः पटुबिक्रमाद्यो मदांधगंधेभधटाविपाटी धरो
जितप्रस्फुरितप्रभावो रराज' योसो जयसिंहराजः (35) -अगमदखिलधात्री येन adia
निवसति नृपछक्ष्मीर्यस्य शुंभ्रातपत्रे। स सकलनमिंतारिक्षो णिभून्मो ठिरत्नद्यतिशबलितपा

al गंडरोलांडभूप (36) विख्यातकृष्णवर्ण तेलस्नेहोपलब्धसरलत्वे | कुंतलविषये नितरां विरा

जते मलिकामोद: (37) ततः प्रतापज्वलनप्रभावनिर्मूलनिर्दग्विरोधिवंश: | तस्यात्मजः पाळ
Bamar: श्रीमानभूदाहवमलदेव: (38) आत्मावस्थानहेतोरमिळषति सदा ded माळवे

शोदोलत्तांठीवनांतान्यनुसरति सरित्नाथकूळानि चोळ: | कऱ्याकुन्जाधिराजो भजति च त

रसा कंदरास्ता हिमाद्रेरुद्यमायत्रतापप्रसरतरभवोद्धीति बिश्रांतचित्ताः (39) अम्छानतैरगु

-णसंग्रहणप्रवृद्धं чаза чачат: | अन्वर्धतां uaque क

विप्रधानेयः प्रोच्यते ननु चढ़क्यकुलेप्रदीप:' (40) औद्धल्य॑युक्तांघकजप्रभावनिर्मू
टनोद्दामबटस्य aer विराजते निजितमीनकेतोर्देवस्य चालक्यमहेश्वरत्वं (41)
तस्मादजायत जगज्ञनितप्रमोद: शुंगारवीररसिकः कविलोककांत: | कांता ..

arene चारुचद्रश्चाङक्थवंशतिरको भुवनेकमछः (42) यः पत्रं स्फुटपुण्करा

we पाणी कूपाणच्छलादाजनाप्रतिपन्नदास्यविजयश्रीदतसुचेर्दैधत्‌ | साक्ष्य ग्राहयितुं

fear Rada प्रा हिणोस्त्यासन्निजकी तिमञ्रतटिनीस्पर्धानुबेधोद्यतां (43) तदनु
'तुम्यानुजः.। आसीत्तेजःकरितकमलोछासनप्रोढपादः स्पर्शादुचेः श्रियमवनिभृच्छेख

राणा दधानः। ध्वांत्रांति दधदिव हशोरंजनं वैरिवीरस्मेराक्षीणां-सुहुरपहर न्विक्रमा दित्यदेवः (44)

TR नमितफणीश्वरं भुजाभ्यां विश्राण: पटहूपलायितक्षितीश: | аз сааат Әтәй

ल: प्रण्यातखिभुवनमछ इत्युदारः (45) यातोन्वेष्टुं जनकजनितां वल्लभोदारलक्ष्मी sa

"WIS हरि ब
9а: खां सुमित्रात्मजञेन | तीरे सिंधोबहुमुखभयादेत्य वेभीषणश्रीधाम्ना नेमे द्रविडपतिना य

श्व.चाङकथरामः (46). सकेशा विजयप्रभणसंमयज्ञाता खिलोर्वीपथप्रखानेवमहीमतीत्यः विमला a.
त्कीतिरव्धि गता । wa विजयश्रिया परवशो. दूरीकरोत्येष मामित्याख्यातुमिवार्ण्णवस्थिति

THE KALLASAMBI PLATES OF VIKRAMADITYA-VI

Second Plate: Second Side

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THE KALLASAMBI PLATES OF VIKRAM ADITYA-VI
Third Plate: First Side

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INSCRIPTIONS OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF KALYANI 87
. THIRD PLATE: FIRST SIDE

जुषः शोरेखिलोकीगुरो: (47) ag श्री प्रिथ्वीवछभमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरपरमभट्टारकसत्या
श्रयकुलतिलकचाहक्याभरण (:) श्रीमत्त्रिभुवनमलछ॒देव: quet सर्वानेव यथासंवंद्यमानकात्रा
टरपतिविषयपतिमामकूटकायुक्तकनियुक्तकाधिकारिकमहृत्तरादीन्समा दिशत्यस्तु बः संबिदितं
यथास्मामिः ॥ .चाङुक्यविक्रमवर्षे सत्तमे प्रवर्तमानदुदुमिसंवत्सरान्तर्गतश्रावणशुद्ध चतुदवश्यां
सोमवारे पवित्रारोहणमहापर्वणि बहूनि महादानानि दत्वा तद्वक्षिणाकाले केल्याणपुरस
मावासितनिज विजयस्कंधावारे श्रीकरणिकसर्वाध्यक्षदंडनायकभट्टदेवे [य] विज्ञापनेन नंद
वारिकाग्रामीयश्रीमट्टेवर देवायतनाय खंडरफुटितनवसुधाकर्माथ गीतनृत्तवा्ार्थं गंधपुष्प
धूपदीपनिवेद्यायचेनार्थं पादतूलपरिवाराथ विद्यार्थिनां ग्रासछादनार्थ ब्रह्मपुरिषिशिब्राह्मणा
नां च [पडेदोरे] देशांतर्व॑र्तिकरडिकल्लत्रिशतमध्ये कछसांबिनामग्राम: सशुल्ककरबाधापरिहार; `
समस्तादेयसहितो राजकीयानामनंगु लिप्रेक्षणी यख्निमोगाभ्यंतरसिध्या सर्वनमस्यो दत्तः ||
तस्य चाघाटाः | पूर्वतः करुबाखानित्तमुत (लो! विस्तीण्णशिलास्थळ: | आम्नेय्यां चौका
रब्यासीना | दक्षिणतः आरोपितपाषाणाः | नेकऋत्यां त(र्धा)रिकाख्यगुल्मसमीपे वीरसी
मा । पश्चिमतः jasen तटाक; | वायव्यां गंग्रवालाख्यपर्वतस्रोत: | उत्तरतः f.
त्रिणीकतटाकः । garai वन्तिगुलाख्य पश्चिमतः तिंत्रिणी वाहल्यसमीषे बिल्ववृक्षसीमा 1-44:
[सवे] प्रसिद्धसीमासमन्वितश्चतुर[घो]टविछुद्धः स аатта еа дач тӘ: पाल.
नीयः । तथाचोक्तं भगवता वेदव्यासेन | बहुमिर्वसुधा sper राजञभिः सगरादिभिः] यस्य
यस्य यदा भू
Aaa तस्य तदा फळं ॥ अपहरणेपिच दोषस्तेनैवोक्तः। खदत्तां परदत्तां वा यो हरेत quent | षष्टिः

анага विष्ठायां जायते कृ(क्रि)मिः ॥ सुवर्ण्णमेकं गामेकां eS) ' हरन्नरकः

मामोति यावदा [ |

9859 | रामभन्रेणाप्युक्तं | सामान्योयं ध्मसेतुनृपाणां काले काले पारनीयो af (D
सवीनेतान्भावि

नः RARA भूयो भूयो याचते राममद्रः॥ agam: परमहीपतिंवशजा वा पापादपेतमनसो
Чій भा

विभूषा: | ये पालयंति मम धर्ममिमं समस्तं तेभ्यो मया विरबितोंजलिरेष aft usu मयेदं शास
नाधिकारिकाक्गपटलिकमहाप्रचंडदंडनायकका waa लिखितमिंतिं Wi]

SECTION ПІ

THE KAKATIYAS

ey

A, 3
ha

CHAPTER IX

A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE KAKATIYAS OF WARANGAL

1. GENERAL INTRODUCTION

The Kakatiyas, rose to power after the downfall of the Chalukyas of Kalyani, even
though some of the early Kakatiya rulers served those kings as feudatories. Beta-II of the
Kakatiya line was a subordinate of Vikramaditya-VI of the Kalyani Chalukyan king
(1076 A.D. - 1126 А.О). He is mentioned in an epigraph' at Kazipet іп Anumakonda of
Warangal district. From this record and other evidences, we are able to learn that Beta-I
was the first of this line and that he was succeeded by Prola-1. During the time of Prola-I,
Ahavamalla Soméswara-I, the Western Chalukyan king of Kalyani granted him the Anuma-
konda Vishaya as a permanent fief to rule. Hence, historically speaking Prola-I may be said
to be the first chieftain of the Kakatiya line with an independent territory of his own.
Prala-I was succeeded by his brother Ве/а-П round about 1075 A.D. Beta-II was succeeded
by Durganripati who was hisson in circa 1117 A.D. During his period the forces of
disintegration working in the kingdom of the Western Chalukyas of Kalyani assumed large
proportions and taking advantage of the generally prevailing state of confusion, Proia-IT
threw off the imperial yoke and asserted his independence. Thus Prola-] was the first
chieftain to have a territory of his own, and Prola-II was the first chieftain to openly throw
off the allegience to the central power, and become an independent king on his own. He
had an independent kingdom which was destined to grow under his successors into а
mighty and glorious empire embracing the whole of the Telugu speaking people.

2. KAKATI RUDRA DEVA (1150 A.D, — 1195 A.D.).

Prola-II had five sons though only two viz. Rudradéva and Mahadeva are known to us.
Rudradéva who succeeded Prola-II took part in many of his father's battles. The achieve-
ments of Kakati Rudradeva are mentioned in his famous Anumakonda inscription which is a
lengthy document of the greatest historicalimportance. This epigraph mentions the name
of Bomma Raja, Méda Raja and Malligi Deva as his opponents, whom he vanquished in
war. This record also mentions four other names, viz. Bhima, Gokarna, Chododaya and
Tailapa, whom also he is said to have defeated. He next turned his attention to the coastal

1. Hyd. Arch. Series No, 13, p. 26.
2. LA. Vol. XI - p. 9.

92 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

regions of Andhra Desa which lay between his kingdom and the sea. There is good reason
to believe that Rudradéva invaded Véngi, though he appears to have been not entirely
successful in completely bringing that territory under his control. Véngi which was being
ruled by the later Chaluka Cholas was undergoing a period of poltical turmoil. In 1172 A.D.
the Chalukya Chola emperor Raja Raja died. On his death the extensive territories under
his control fell off from allegience to the central power and Kulottunga Rajendra the ruler of
Velanadu taking advantage of this situation made himself master of this area. Hence
Kakati Rudradéva had to fight Kulottunga Rajendra to wrest Véngi from him. Kulottunga
Rajendra Choda was a powerful monarch but he unexpectedly died in 1181 A.D. and the
power of the Velnati chiefs suffered an eclipse. Kata the son of Sabba Senani and the Bollama
of the Malyala family who were supporters of the Kakati yas had to contend against the Kota
chiefs of Dharanikota, who were bound by matrimonial alliances with the Velnati chiefs.
In a terrible fight that took place at Dharanikota or modern Amaravati of Guntur District,
the power of the Velnati chiefs was finally broken. The Kondapadumatis who were loyal to
the Velnati princes were also then subdued by Kakati Rudradeva.

It was Kakati Rudradeva who founded a new town called Orugallu near the ancient
capital Anumakonda which was destined to become a great city under the later Kakatiyas.
This city is the same as Warangal of modern Andhra Pradesh. It is stated in the Ganapéswa-
ram Inscription of Ganapati’ that “the towns which he (Kakati Rudradéva) razed to the
ground were known only by the quarters which he founded in the city of Orugallu under
their respective names and peopled with their respective inhabitants.

Kakati Rudradeva was loyally served by many ministers and commanders-in-chief like
the members of the Récharla, Malyala and Cheraku families. He was also a patron of learn-
ing and in an inscription at Pillalamarri of Nalgonda district, he is described as the resort
and refuge of all learned men. King Rudradéva was thus the first great monarch of the
Kakatiya line, who expanded his dominions to cover the area of the Telugu speaking people.

3. MAHADEVA (1195 — A.D. 1198 A.D.)

King Rudradeva died in a war with the Yadavas of Devagiri. After his death his
younger brother Mahadeva ascended the throne and ruled for a brief period of three years.
In the book Pratapacharitam he is represented as a great warrior who invaded the Yadavas
and perished in an attack on their capital Dévagiri. It is difficult to reconstruct what
exactly happened, but from a perusal of the evidence of the Yenamadala inscription? and the
other inscriptions of the Yadava kings it is clear that Mahadeva lost his life in a battle
with them round about 1199 A.D. His short reign therefore ended in a disaster and the
nascent kingdom of the Kakatiyas was thrown into political confusion.

1. Epigraphia Indica Vol. Ш p. 90.
2. Epigraphia Indica Vol. НІ, p. 110.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE KAKATIYAS OF WARANGAL 93

4. GANAPATIDEVA (1129 A.D. — 1261 A.D.)

From a perusal of the epigraphic records available itis seen that the successor of
Mahadeva viz. Ganapati son of Mahadeva was imprisoned by the Yadavas during the same
fight in which his father lost his life. The Kakatiya empire therefore faced internal disrup-
tion from several local chieftains who tried to assert their power. However, Recharla Rudra
the commander-in-chief of the previous ruler saved the situation and it is stated in an
inscription that “һе cut of the head of a haughty feudatory and set it up for public view,
stuck upon the top of a lofty flag-staff as a scare-crow to frighten the flocks of wild beasts
that are hostile kings. Thus Récharla Rudra kept intact the fabric of the empire and took
upon himself the responsibility for its proper administration in the absence of his master in
person. He is therefore sometimes described as “‘Kakatiya Ra jya Bhara Dhaureya" and also
* Kakati Rajya Samartha’’.

Kakati Ganapati was released from his captivity sometime in 1199 A.D. and came
back and took the reigns of administration in his own hands. Though his career started
thus very unfavourably still his reign is one of the most brilliant of all the kings of the,
Kakatiyas and during his long rule of nearly 65 years, he brought under a single adminis-
tration the entire land inhabited by the Telugu speaking people. The Andhra empire as
such reached its zenith under Ganapati only. |

Ganapati turned his attention first to Prithvisvara who was a Velnati Chola king. He
first attacked Bezwada which stood on the eastern frontiers of the Kakatiya kingdom and
after capturing it, proceeded to Divi island which was being ruled by the Ayya chiefs who
were loyal to Prithvisvara and overran it. Then he turned against Prithvisvara himself who
was killed in a battle. With his death the power of the Velnati kings came to an end and
their kingdom passed firmly under the Kakatiyas. Kakatiya kingdom was thus extended to
the whole of the Telugu speaking area.

Ganapati then turned his attention to the South and the Chalukya Cholas of Nellore
under Nallasiddhi who were ruling with both Nellore or Vikramasimhapuri and Kanchi as
their alternate capitals became the object of his attack. They were overrgn and Kakatiya
power was established over these areas also.

Ganapati then turned his attention to Kalinga andin a single campaign under the
command of Indulari Somapradhani one of the Ministers of Ganapati, the coastal distircts
to the east of Warangal and Kalinga were overrdn. Ganapati was also involved ina war
with the Pandyas of the South since the Telugu Chala rulers of Nellore who were overrun
by him had connections with the Pandyas of the South.

Ganapati was thus a great monarch who consolidated his power and extended his
dominions. In Motupalli which was an important port for import and export, he put an

1. Hyderabad Archaeological Series, іп, v, 22.

94 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

end to the exactions of the petty chieftains and granted special concessions to the merchants
who came to trade there. It was during his reign that the capital was changed
from Anumakonda to Warangal though the foundation of the city was laid by his uncle.
The new fort of Warangal was provided with seventy five bastions each of which was
guarded by a nayaka in the service of the king.

Just like his uncle, Ganapati was also served by a host of loyal feudatories and chiefs.
The Recharlas and the Malayalas continued to be loyalfeudatories. Other chiefs like the
Ayya chiefs of Divi, the Telugu Cholas of Nellore who were first conquered by Ganapati and
later became his subordinates, the Eruva and Pottapi branches of the family, the Chakra-
narayana princes of Addanki etc. were some of the new feudatories of Kakati Ganapati.

5. RUDRAMADEVI (1259 A.D. — 1295 A.D.)

Ganapati who did not have a son nominated his daughter Rudramadévi or Rudramba
as his successor. She was in fact ruling conjointly with him ever since 1259-60 A.D. on-
wards. She assumed the name of Rudradeva Maharajah. There was some difference of
opinion, up to now, among scholars as to whether Rudramadevi was the daughter or the
wife of Ganapati, but the position is now fairly well established that she was his daughter.

The nomination of Rudramba as the successor did not go uncontested and some of
the nobles of the country took arms against her, including some members of the royal
house who made a bid for the throne. But Rudramba was more than equal to the difficult
task. She marched on the capital with great speed and put to death her half brothers who
fell into her hands. Most of the feudatories and generals of the Kakatiyas remained loyal
to the queen like the Kayastha chiefs, Jannigadeva and his younger brother Tripurari,
Ambadeva, the Prasaditya chiefs of the Recherla family, and some of the Reddi chiefs like
Gona Gannayya Reddi etc.

After firmly establishing herself on the throne, she turned her attention to the
political situation in the empire. The feudatories with whom her father Ganapati had
waged war and to whom he had also lost some territories had to be tackled. There were
also dangers in the West where the Seana king Mahadeva who succeeded Krishna in 1260
A.D. invaded the Kakatiya kingdom. Very early in her reign Rudramadevi also recovered
her territory conquered by the Pandyas. бопа Vittala one of the feudatories of the Kakati-
yas set forth from Vardhamanapura or the present Vaddamanu of the Mahabubnagar district
on the southern frontier of the Kakatiya kingdom to tackle the Seuna menace. Rudramadevi
was successful in many of her wars and was able to maintain the integrity of the empire.
she did not allow the public administration to suffer on account of her sex, but kept the
reigns of administration firmly in her own hands and discharged her duties efficiently and
to the satisfaction of all.

Rudramadevi was married to an Eastern Chalukyan prince Virabhadra of Nidadavolu.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE KAKATIYAS OF WARANGAL 95

She had no male child but had only two daughters Mummadamma and Ruyyamma. The
former gave birth to a son called Vira Rudra or Prataparudra. Rudramba by the command
of her father adopted him as her heir and son.

6. PRATAPARUDRA (1295 A.D. - 1323 A.D.)

Prataparudra came to the throne at the beginning of 1295 A.D. though he had been
associated with his grandmother for several years before her death in the governance of the
kingdom. He was thirtyfive years old at the time of his accession and was served by a host
of loyal feudatories and commanders-in-chief.

Prataparudra reassembled his army and reorganized the administrative system as soon
as he came to the throne. The Kayastha chiefs especially Ambadéva who threw off the allegi-
ence to the Kakatiyas were compelled to retire from their strongholds and were finally
over-thrown. Prataparudra had to strengthen his defences in order to meet the Muslim
incursion into the Deccan. The earliest of Allauddin’s expeditions in Telingana took place
in 1303 A.D. and tradition has it, that A//auddin came seven times in invasion and was
successful only in the last attack. The last of these invasions took place in 1323 A.D. under
the command of Ulug Khan who was later on known as Mohd. Bin Tuglak. He led an army
to Warangal but the Muslim armies were defeated and had to disperse in great confusion
since a rumour broke among their ranks about the Sultan’s death. However, the confusion
was set at rest, and not being discouraged by the defeat, the Muslim chieftains marched
again into Télingana. Prataparudra did not expect this second attack so early, and his
granaries were not full and all his warriors also had been disbanded and sent to the villages
to look after agricultural operations. Naturally, therefore, Warangal fell and Prataparudra
was taken а prisoner. Рғайарағийға was sent to Delhi escorted by a contingent of the
Muslim army under Qadir Khan and Khwaja Haji. However, Prataparudra did not live to
taste the cup of defeat to its dregs, but on the banks of the sacred river Somodbhava or the
Narmada, he ended his own life as is evident from the Vilasa grant of Musunüri Prolayya
Nayaka of 1339 A.D. Itisalso seen from a record of the Reddi queen known as the
Kaluvachéru grant of the Reddi queen Anitalli of 1423 A.D.' that Prataparudra went to the
Gods of his own desire. ‘‘Tasmin Prataprudre Swasthanam Svechchayaiva Yatavati." It
would appear that Prataparudra ended his life on the banks of Narmada in order to escape
the odium of living in captivity at the Delhi fort.

With the fall of Prataparudra, the Kakatiya empire fell and the country had to pass
through the horrors of Muslim occupation. The atrocities committed by them are vividly
described in the Vilasa grant of Musunüru Prolaya Nayaka. The wanton insult offered to
the religion of the land and the violent dispossession of the Agraharas given to the Brah-
mins and the destruction and desecration of various temples provoked keen discontent

— T RI

1. Journal of the Telugu Academy Vol. II - p. 106.

96 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

among the people and within seven years of the fall of Prataparudra and his capital Waran-
gal, the country was under revolt under the leadership of Musuniru Prolaya Nayaka. This
paved the way for the Reddi kings of Kondavidu to assert their independence and hold the
Andhra Désa intact against incursions of the Muslims.

7. CONCLUSION

Thus from 1150 A.D. to 1323 A.D. for a period of nearly 200 years, the Kakatiyas
held sway over practically the entire area of the Telugu speaking people. They were the
first persons to organise the administration of the country on proper and sound basis and
introduce the Nayaka system which rose to such prominence under the Vijayanagar kings.
The Kakatiyas were keenly interested in irrigation as wellas in the clearance of forests and
settlement of people in various places. They followed strictly the rules laid down in the
several Dharmasastras in their Government. Literature both Sanskrit and Telugu flourished
under their patronage. The Bhaskara Ramayana of Mantri Bhaskara, the Nirvachanottara
Ramayana of Tikkana, the Ranganatha Ramayana in the Dvipada metre, the completion of
Andhra Mahabharata of Nannayabhattaraka, the Kumarasambhava of Nannechodadeva, the
Andhra Bhasha Bhüshana of Ketana, the Nitisara of Prataparudra, the Siva Tatva Sara of
Mallikharjuna Panditaradhya, the Sarvésvara Satakam of Yadhavakkula Annamaiah and the
Vrishadhipa Satakam of Pandita Somanatha, the Basavoddharana of Palkuriki Somanatha etc.
are some of the great classics of Telugu literature that were produced during the Kakatiya
period. Among the religious faiths the many schools of Saivism like the Kalamukas, the
Kapalikas and the Pasupatas flourished during the Kakatiya period.

The Kakatiyas were also great temple builders as is evidenced from the ruins of
Hanumakonda, Palampet, Pillalamarri and other places. The Kakatiyas were also strict
followers of the Kalpa Sutras and many of their inscriptions give references to such Vratas
as the Ағйпуа Sayana Vrata, Mahalakshminarayana Vrata, Sukla and Krishna Dvadasi Vrata,
Ananta Arundhati Vrata and Jalasayana Vrata etc. which the kings performed. The Kakatiyas
were thus great monarchs under whom Andhra Desa rose to the heights of its fame and glory.

The following is the genealogical table of the Kakatiya kings.

(13) INSCRIPTIONS OF THE KAKATIAS OF WARANGAL 97

Bzta-I1

|
Prola-I
(of the time of Someswara-I of the Kalyani Western Chalukyan line of kings)

|
Beta-II
(of the time of Vikramaditya-VI of P Kalyani Western Chalukyan kings)

Dire ан Prola-1I
(circa 1090 A.D.) (circa 1117 A.D.)
(The last feudatory who
asserted independence)
|

| | |
Rudradéva (1150-1195) Mahadéva Three unknown
The first important and great (1195-1198) brothers
ruler of the Kakatiya line
|

Ganapatidéva
(1199-1261 A.D.)
|

Rudramadevi
(1261-1295 A.D.)

Prataparudra
(1295-1323 A.D.)

CHAPTER X.,

THE GORAVANKAPALLI PLATES OF RAJARUDRA,
A COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF
KING PRATAPARUDRA OF THE KAKATIYA LINE

These plates were discovered in an old well in Guntur district and were retrieved by
Sri N. Bhagawandas, L.A.S., who was then the District Collector and Magistrate of Guntur.
My attention was first drawn to them by my friend Sri P. Seshadri Sastri of Guntur, who
had mistaken these for a grant of king Prataparudra himself. Sri Seshadri Sastry also sent
me a copy of the estampages that he had taken, but since they were not quite good having
been overinked, I set about trying to trace the originals. Sri N. Bhagwandas, I. A. S. was
kind enough to give the plates to the Government Museum of Hyderabad and they are now
exhibited in the copper plate epigraphy section of Archaeolo gical Museum at the Public
Gardens at Hyderabad. The plates have since been deciphered and Iam grateful to my
friend Sri P. Seshadri Sastry for the valuable suggestions and the help that he gave me in
editing these plates.

The plates are three in number and measure 22 cms. in length and 14 cms. in breadth.
The rims of the plates are well raised and they are connected by a ring through a hole in the
left side of the plates. The seal of the plates had been cut off before the plates were retrie-
ved. The total weight of the plates is 4305 grams and the weight of the ring and seal is
585 grams. |

The plates are inscribed ол all the sides, including the first side of the first plate and the
last side of the last plate, which are generally left blank. Asa result of this some of the letters
on the first page as well as on the last page have got eroded and apart from these, the writing
is fairly well preserved. There are in all seventy lines of writing distributed as follows :

First plate first side 12 lines
First plate second side 11 lines
Second plate first side 12 lines
Second plate second side 12 lines
Third plate first side 12 lines
Third plate second side 11 lines

Total 70 lines

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE KAKATIYAS OF WARANGAL 99

The language of the plate is Sanskrit except for the name of the village which is
stated here as Goravankapalli. The characters belong to the medieval Telugu alphabet.
As regards the orthography, the plate follows the usual peculiarities that are found in
Kakatiya inscriptions. The language is as stated above Sanskrit, and the plate is entirely
in verse except for six lines in the third plate second side, where the boundaries of the
village are given.

The style used is exceptionally chaste, and is replete with alankaras the like of
which is rarely to be met with. It is unfortunate that the name of the composer is not
given, sicce a great poet of exceptional merit has thus remained anonymous. Some of the
verses in the plate can be compared for the dignity of diction, the chastness and the aptness
of the words employed, and for the pleasing effect of the melody, to some of the greatest
compositions of great poets like Bhavabhati, Bharavi etc. Тһе metre that is employed in
the plate is mainly Indravajra and Upéndravajra commonly called the Upajati group, though
other metres like the Vasantatilaka, Sragdhara etc. are also used. The metre that is mainly
employed viz. the Upa jati has been handled with great precision and scholarly diction by
the poet. It is a pleasure to read the verses in the grant for the excellence of Sanskrit com-
position alone, apart from the historical data given in it. Ihave not come across any
other copper plate grant which contains lyrical poetry of such excellence.

The whole grant consists of 27 verses, excluding the imprecatory verses at the end of
the plates, and these verses are in the following metres.

Ist Verse & 2nd Verse Praharshini
3rdVerse Upa jati group
4th Verse Vasantatilaka
Sth Verse Upa jati group
6th Verse Malini

7th Verse to 11th Verse Upajati group
12th Verse Indrava jra
13th Verse to 16th Verse Upajati group
17th Verse Indrava jra
18th Verse Upendrava jra
19th Verse Upa jàti group
20th Verse Sragdhara

2] Verse Upajati group

22nd Verse to 27th Verse _ Anushtup

The grant starts with a verse in praise of Lord Narayana, in his aspect of Varahavatara
and this is followed by another verse in praise of Lord Ganapat ithe first son of Parvati and the
fulfiller of the desires of all good persons. This is followed by a description of the Lord Moon

100 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

or Chandra who is described as a veritable Sanjivini not merely to the herbs but also to the
Dévas. After this, is described the birth of the line of the Kakatiya kings and they are said
to be born from the shoulders of Lord Brahma implying that they were Kshatriyas by caste.

After describing the family of Kakatiyas the grant goes on to describe that King
Mahadeva who resembled Lord Siva or Mahadeva himself was born in this illustrious line of
kings. The king is described as burning by the mere sight of his eyes, red with anger, the
cities of his enemies. In the next verse it is stated that from Mahadeva was born Ganapati
who is described as having placed his feet upon the heads of all other kings. The rule of
Ganapati is described in a separate verse where it is stated that when this great king or the
Rajasimha ascended the glorious Simhasana, his own orders also ascended the heads of all
other subordinate kings. After Ganapati the birth of queen Rudramba is mentioned. It is
stated that Lakshmi or Sri being desirous of eradicating the dosha of having been born as a
child to the ocean which had been agitated by the churning by the Mandhara hill, took birth
in the name of Rudramba from king Ganapati who was an Akshobhya Sathva or one who was
never agitated by any one. In the next verse it is stated that her daughter's son Prataparudra
who is also described as ‘Prathamana Bhadra’ was ruling the universe surrounded by the
four seas.

After thus describing the line of the kings, the grant described that the Kakatiya
kings were served by a line of commanders-in-chief or Sénapatis who were born in the
Chaturthakula or the Sadra caste and who were famous in all the directions by their gifts
etc. Among the commanders-in-chief the first name mentioned is Bolliah who is described
as the first among the great warriors and is said to have obtained glory and earthly
possessions by his loyalty to his master and by his devotion to Lord Siva.

Bolliah’s son is next described in the grant as one Déviah who is described as a
Vahinisa or a commander-in-chief. Next to Vahinisa Deviah his son Velüri Bollaprabhu who
is said to have established his prowess by means of great gifts to the brahmins, thereby
obtaining a glory equal to that of the Parijata tree is mentioned. From Velüri Bolliah was
born Rajarudra his son who was a Kalarudra or a veritable Yama to his enemies, who was a
Virabhadra who shone by the glory of his prowess, and who gave no peace to Bhüri Bhadra
by the prowess of his arms. It is stated that when Rajarudra’s glory was spreading,
the enemy kings had no other go except to take shelter under the shade of his own Kalpa
Vriksha. The greatness of Ra jarudra is described in poetic terms in three verses.

The verse then describes that in the Saka ега, 1214 in the month of Asvina on the
Ashtami day of the Pürvapaksha which was a Wednesday, Rajarudra gave the village
Goravankapalli with allits rights to a number of learned brahmins in the presence of
Lord Siva known as Bhimanatha. The grantor was stationed on the banks of the sacred
Thungabhadra river, at the time of the grant.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE KAKATIYAS OF WARANGAL 101

The grantees are then described as four persons. The first is said to be ‘Vasudeva
Mandalika’ who was born of the Kousika Gotra and who is said to have been given a half
share or ‘Artha Hari’. The second grantee is ‘Yerra Ramappa’ who was born of the

Upamanya Vasishta Сага. The third grantee was 'Polipeddi' who was born in the Bharadwaja
Сота. The fourth grantee was ‘Bolimanchi’ who was born in the Kousika Gotra. The grant
ends by saying that the king Rajarudra left them after commanding them to perform the
Gaya Sraddha for his father.

The boundaries of the village are then given as follows:

To the East of the village: A white stone

To the South-East of the village: A small rivulet

To the South of the village: A bent Parvata filled with small pieces of white
stones

To the South-West of the village: A Kirtimala tree

To the West of the village : A tank called Devatataka

To the North-West of the village: Flowing water and stones

To the North of the village : A mountain of black and blue stones

To the North-East of the village: A Mangaladevi Tataka or tank.

The grant then ends with two usual imprecatory verses from Vyasa Gita.

Two important point arise for consideration in this viz. the date of the present grant
and the exact identity of Rajarudra who is here described as the grantor.

The date of the grant is given in verse 20 in the Sragdhara metre as follows.

शाकाब्दे वेदभूदेक्षितियुजि विजयाब्दाश्रयुड्या सिपूर्वे पक्षेष्टम्यां बुधस्याहनि बुधविनुतो राजरुद्रस्स एषः |

The phrase as itis reads ‘Sakabdé Vedabha De Kshiti Yuji’ etc. The words Kshiti
stands for the world and represent number one, and Veda obviously stands for the four
Vedas and represent the number four. The word ‘De’ does not make any sense and *Bhri’
though it may stand for two representing eyebrows is not normally used in that sense. The
word *Bhri? is obviously a mistake for the word ‘Bhw and the word ‘De’ is obviously a
mistake for the word ‘Dvi’ as will be explained later on. If these mistakes are rectified,
the date of the grant would work out to 1214 Saka or 1292 A.D. If the word Bhri is kept
as it is, and if it is interpreted to mean as ‘two’ standing for the eyebrows which usuage is
rather rare, the date then will work out to 1302 A.D. Wehave, however, the other infor-
mation given in the grant that the cyclic year is Vijaya and that Suddha Ashadha Ashtami of
that year was a Wednesday. The cyclic year would be ‘Subhakrit’, if it is 1302 A.D.
current, or Sobhana if itis 1302 A.D. expired. Ifthe year is 1292 A.D. current, then the
cyclic year would be Nandana, and Vijaya if it is 1292 A.D. expired or 1293 A.D. current.
As the cyclic year is specifically stated in the grant as Vijaya it is clear that the date of the
grant is 1292 A.D. expired, or 1293 A.D. running, corresponding to the Vijaya cyclic year.

102 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

There is a further corroboration for this. The date is given as Parvapaksha Ashtami
of Asvina month, the week day being a Wednesday. The Parvapaksha Ashtami of the Asvina
month according to the lunar reckoning that is in force in the Andhra Desa corresponds to
9th September, 1293 A.D, and this happens to be a Wednesday and hence tallies exactly °
with the date of the week mentioned in the grant. Hence there can possibly be no doubt that
the date of the grant is 9th September, 1293 A.D.

In addition we can also see that the word Bhra will not quite fit in with the Sragdhara
metre in which the verse is composed. The Sragdhara begins with ‘MA’ gana which consists
of three Gurus. The second Gana is a ‘RA’ gana which consists of a Guru in the beginning,
a Laghu in the middle, and а guru in the end. The phrase Sakabde is the MA Gana, and
the phrase Vedabhrü should be the ‘RA’ Gana since the metre is Sragdhara. If we take it as
‘Bhrv and not as ‘Bhw’ the second Gana will also become a “МА” Gana only and not ‘RA’
gana which is not correct in the Sragdhara metre. Thougha laghu preceded by a Repha
Samyukta occassionally becomes a Guru, stillthis usage is very exceptional, and in the
normal course іп a Sragahara metre the word should only be read as *Vedabhi! and not as
Vedabhri.

In view of this and in view of the corroboration that in the cyclic year Vijaya
the Suddha Ashadha Ashtami was a Wednesday, we can definitely state that the date of the
grant is 9th September, [293 A.D. only.

It is known to us from other sources that king Prataparudra of the Kakatiya line
came to rule some where in 1295 A.D. only on the death of Rudrama his grandmother
though he was associated with his grandmother queen Rudramba for several years in the
administration of the kingdom even while he was quite young. Thus 1293 A.D. falls in the
last few few years of the Queen Raudramba's reign when Prataparudra was also sharing with
her the burden of the kingdom. The plate can therefore, be said to be the earliest of the
grants of the time of Prataparudra upto now discovered.

The grant gives the geneology of four commanders-in-chief starting from, Bolliah his
son Deviah, his son Veluri Bolla and his son Rajarudra. The grant itself makes it clear
that this line of kings were the Senapatis of the Kakatiyas themselves. We have therefore
to search for the commanders-in-chief or the feudatories of the Kakatiyas to locate this
genealogy.

During the time of Ganapati, the father of Rudramadevi, there was a powerful
counter attack by the Pandyas of the South, since Ganapati overran the Telugu Chalas of
Vikramasimhapuri of Nellore and Kanchi, with whom the Pandyas were in alliance. The
Pandya king was then the Jatavarma Sundara Pandya to whom the Telugu Chalas of Nellore
were subordinates. The Telugu chola king was one Vira Ganda Gopala who was ruling
the northern part and Vijaya Ganda Gopala who was ruling the southern part of the

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE KAKATIYAS OF WARANGAL 103

Nellore Telugu Chola kingdom. Vijayaganda Gopala submitted to the prowess of the
Pandyas and while trying to conquer Viraganda Gopala who was ruling the northern part of
the Telugu Chola kingdom, the Pandyas came into conflict with Kakati Ganapati with whom
'Viraganda Gopala otherwise known as Manumasiddhi-I] was in alliance. The Pandyas sent
a diversionary attack under the leadership of one Kopperunjinga who led the Pandyan armies
as far as Draksharama in East Godavari district. While this diversion under Kopperun-
jinga was in progress, the main Pandyan army marched along the coast and in a great battle
at Muttukur situated at a distance of 13 miles from the city of Nellore, a fierce engagement
took place between the Pandyas and the Kakatiya armies in which Viraganda Gopala was
killed and his allies sustained a crushing defeat and retreated towards Perüru of the Krishna
river. Asa result of this great victory, the Telugu Chola kingdom was annexed to the
Pandyan empire and the Kakatiya hegemony south of the river Krishna was broken.

Since Rudramadévi came to throne, she recovered a portion of the terrritory conquered

by the Pandyas with the help of a line of Kayastha feudatories. From the epigraph at
Nandalar in the Ra jampet (аша of Cuddapah district which records а gift to the temple of
Samanathaswamy by Nagaraja the Pradhani of Gandapendéra Jannigadéva, we learn that the
Pandyas had been displaced by that time viz. 1266 A.D. by the. Kayastha chiefs.: From
another record at Aflaru? of the Siddavatam taluq of the same district in 1288 A.D. we
learn that the Kayastha success was permanent. Thus the Kayastha chiefs of the Kakatiyas
had dislodged the Pandyan occupation of this area.
В The Vijayaganda Gopala who was ruling the southern half of the Telugu Chola king-
dom of Nellore and who had entered into alliances with the Pandyas attacked the Kayastha
dominions probably as part of an organised attempt by the Pandyas to recover the territory
taken over from them, by the Kakatiya queen, with the help of her Kayastha feudatories.
Apart from this individual effort Vijayaganda Gopala and other Pandyan feudatories joined
in an expedition under the command of Kulasékhara who had come to power in 1268 A.D.
This brought them into conflict with the famous Kayastha chief Ambadeva who had succee-
ded his brother Tripuraridéva-J in 1272 A.D. The Pandyas would appear to have got the
worst of this battle since опе of the Prasastis mentioned in the Tripurantakam epigraph? of
Ambadéva of 1290 A.D. mentions as follows.

“Ati Pandava Parakrama Pandya Кајапуа Priya Preshita Chanda Vetanda Vainatéya
Janghala Turanga Sartha Vira jamana Samposhita Souharda"

This Ambadéva right from the beginning of his career threw off the traditional allegi-
ence to the Kakatiyas. One of his Birudas was Raya Sahasra Malla and he waged war with

1. A.R. 610 of 1907
2, A.R.1 of 1939-40,
3. A.R. 265 - 1905; 511, X, 465, 599.

104 COPPER PLATE INCSRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

the other loyal Kakatiya feudatories, threw off allegience to queen Rudramba and established
his own position. Queen Rudramba seems to have sent a powerful army against him, but
the attempt seems to have been not successful, since Ambadéva claims success by claiming
to have cut off in battle the heads of the 75 Nayakas of her army.

It, therefore, became a pressing need, for the Kakatiya kings, to put down the
power of Ambadéva, the recalcitrant Kayastha chief and this work was reserved for Pratapa-
rudra. Even while he was known as Kumara Rudradéva he completed his preparations
for war and made his plans. Being a strategist of a very high order, Prataparudra was
aware of the fact that an attack on Ambadéva would involve an attack upon his supporters
and friends also, and therefore concerted his measures to suit this end. He launched as
attack on Ambadeva’s territory and at the same time sent a diversionary force to engage
his allies in 1291 A.D. Queen Rudramba set out for Tripurantaka and attacked Ambadéva
accompanied by a large army under Manuma Gannayya son of Kolani Somanamantri and his
cousin Annayyadéva son of Indulari Peda Gannaya Mantri. According to the Sivayoga Sara
the Kolani and Indulüri chiefs inspired by Rudramadévi completely defeated the forces of the
enemy, and captured 72 forts during a single onslaught.

“ Ahavamuna Varu Ripula

Vyühambula Badalu Parachi Yokkata Gonare

Bahattari Durgambulu

Sahasulai Rudramamba Sauryamu Katanan." '
The entire country was overrun and passed into the hands of the Kakatiya kings.
An attack on Cheraku Rajanarendra by the Chalukyan chief Tata Pinnamma was probably
connected with the Rudramadevi's expendition against Ambadeva. Rajanarendra was an.
ally of Атрайгуа. It is interesting to note that the Cheraku chieftains who are mentioned
in some other records always called themselves as owing allegiance to Kumara Rudradeva.
It is therefore possible that the Cheraku Rajanaréndra mentioned in this connection is the
same as Rajarudra of the Cheraku family mentioned elsewhere, and that after their punish-
ment at the hands of Tatapinnama they became feudatories of the Kakatiyas.

The present grantor Ra jarudra is identical with the Cheraku chiefs who are mentioned
in the epigraphs of the Nandikotkür taluq of Kurnül district from Saka 1212 or 1290 A.D.
onwards. The earliest record of this Cheraku family is found at М, alyala in the Nandikotkür
taluq of Kurnil district? in 1212 A.D. or Vikriti Samvatsara. It refers to Rudradéva son of
Mahasámanta Cheraku Bollaya Reddi who is stated as a vassal of a king Prataparudradeva.
In another inscription? of Lingala in the same taluq and dated in Saka 1213, Nandana or

1. Sivayogasaram, Part I, Introduction.
2. А. В, 321 of 1937-38,
3. Ibid., 55 of 1943.44.

(14) ` INSCRIPTIONS OF THE KAKATIYAS OF WARANGAL ` 105

1291 A.D. one Racharudradéva son of Маһағатата Cheraku Véluru Bollaiah Reddy is
mentioned as a vassal of Kakati Prataparudra.

It is thus clear that the present grantor Rudradéva who is described as the son of
Véluri Bolla Prabhu is identical with Racharudradeva son of Mahasamanta Cheraku Véluri
Bolliah Reddi mentioned in the Lingala inscription. The grantor is therefore a Cheraku
feudatory of the Kakatiyas and is also perhaps identical with the Cheraku Ва)апағепаға who
was attacked by the Chalukyan chief Tatapinnamma. Thus the grant gives us the genealogy of
Rajarudra son of Véluri Bolla one of the Cheraku feudatories of king Prataparudra.

There is an interesting point to be noted about the grantees. The grantees are three
Brahmins viz. Yerra Ramappa of the Upamanya Vasishta Gotra, Polipeddi of the Bharadwa asa
Gotra, and Bolimanchi of the Kausika Gotra. These three are mentioned in the grant as
learned brahmins well versed іп the Vedas. A fourth person is mentioned viz. ‘Vasudeva
Mandalika who is said to be of the Kausika Gotra, and is described here as ‘Gaya Kshetradhi-
nayaka'. Heis also described here as ‘Artha Hari’ ox a receiver of half grant of the village.
The Grantor Rajarudra is said to have released him along with the three brahmins after
giving him an order fora Gaya Sraddha to be performed for his father. It is therefore
extremely probable that ‘Vasudéva Mandalika’ was a Panda in the great Gayakshetra who was
looking after the arrangements that had to be made fora Sraddha there for the persons
going from this part of the country, and that to defray the expenses for the Sraddha, Ra ja-
rudra, the grantor gave him half share of the village and gave the other half among the other
three brahmins mentioned. This seems to be the only possible explanation for the mention
of the ‘Vasudeva Mandalika’ who is described as а ‘Gayakshetradhinayaka’ as the receiver of
half the village. If this is so, this gives us an extremely interesting insight into the condi-
tions prevailing in Andhra during this age.

The village granted is stated to be Goravankapalli and Rajarudra is said to haven given
this village in the presence of Lord Siva known as Bhimanatha on the banks of the river
Thungabhadra. The village Goravankapalli cannot be indentified as no village of that name
is found in that area now. |

The grant is a very important one, since this is the earliest grant of the time of king
Prataparudra of the Kakatiya family, and also gives us a clear genealogy of the Cheraku
feudatories of the Kakatiya kings. The grant also gives us an insight into the arrangements
that were in vogue for performing Gaya Sraddha in those days.

106

COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

‘FIRST PLATE: “FIRST SIDE

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FIRST PLATE: SECOND SIDE
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INSCRIPTIONS OF THE KAKATIYAS OF WARANGAL 107

SECOND PLATE.: ‘FIRST SIDE
२४. प्रथमान' भद्रः | चतुस्समुद्रावल्यां प्रशास्ति विश्वंभरां fü
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SECOND PLATE: SECOND SIDE

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४०. कानां। नान्या गतिर्यत्पदकल्पनृक्षच्छायातटेः(तेः)संश्र

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४३. मारोहति ARA (18) निमज्जतां खर्ग्गतिमातनोति परप्रताप
४४. प्रशमं विधत्ते कथं чайга: कथनीय एष यत्खड्रधारासु
४५. यसः (शः) प्रभावः (19) शाका[ब्दे] 858427 क्षितियुजि'विजयाब्दाश्च
४६. дей qsa बुधस्याहनि बुधविनुतो राज |
во, iae एषः | पुण्यायां dp] भद्रातट्भुवि पुरतो

The first letter is probably misspelt. But the word is clearly प्रथमान “5, - न is not clear,

4,

6. The meaning is not clear. It should probably read as राहुः पुनर्नेक्षत च प्रजासु' 7, भ under =-is not found; ;
8. Letters are indistinct. But it can be reconstructed as above.

9. The q beneath the letter ఇ is not clear. It should be read as द्वि

0.

The phrase should read as वेदभूद्विक्षितियुजि

108

లత.

४९.

१५०,

१.
чч.
"A3.
җә.

ч “u:

५६.
ws,
uć.

७९.

६०,

६१.
55.
६३.
६४.

६५%.
55.
६७.
5<.

६९,

^о

s

COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

THIRD PLATE: FIRST.

SIDB

भीमनाथस्य झंभोस्सम्यक्संपूजितस्य क्रमसहितलसद्वि |

दविद्भयो द्विजेभ्यः- (20) आमं प्रसिद्ध गोरबेंकपछि नामाग्रहारं

समदत्त युक्तः | समस्तभोगैस्सहितं सतेज(:) साम्यं परेरप्र
तिरूंध्यतेजाः (21) वासुदेवमंडलिको गयाक्षेत्राधिनायकः |. त
этет атата: कौशिक गोत्रतः (22) उपमन्यवसिष्ठा
यगोत्रज(:) श्रृ(श्रु)तिपारगः। महिताचारसंपन्नो enr

प्प [а] कोविदः (23) भारङ्वाजकुलोद्‌मूतो यजुर्व्वेदस्य पा

रगः। MIRRA ख्यातनामा विप्रस्तंथापर

(24) पदक्रमयुं

ते सांगे यजुषि 'प्रोढ़िमाश्रितः । बोलिमंचिस्तथाचान्यत्पा
त्र कौशिकगोत्रजः (26) श(श्र)तिस्थृतिमुखाशेषहद्यविद्या विशारदाः |
एते त्रयो द्वितीय्याद्धहारि [णो] हतकिस्बिषाः (26) समा |

दिश्य गयाश्राद्धऊतये खपितुस्तदा । . तैः कृते दक्षिणात्वेन तेभ्य

THIRD PLATE: SECOND SIDE

स्तमतिसृष्टवान्‌ (27) अथ सीमा निखप्यन्ते |

प्रच्यां दिशि श्वेतशिला |

आज्ञ(झे)य्य पांशुबिंबोपरक्षितास्पासरित्‌ | दक्षिणस्यां दिशि श्रे

तपाषाणशकलोपळक्षितः कु्जपव्वतः। नैऋत्यां

PAHS

[ऊकः] १ प्रदी(ती)च्यां देवतटाकः | वायव्यां दिशि अल्पघटमेयज

लप्रखबोपलक्षित: पाषाणभोगः । उत्तरस्यां दिशि

नीलशिलाम

यशिलोचय: । . ऐशान्यां मंडलदेवितटाक: 1 ub

परदत्तां वा यो हरेत. वसुंधरां । -षष्टिव्वषस
हस्राणि विष्ठायां: जायते fafa: ।.(॥) सामान्योयं
सेतु (DUT काले काले .पालनीयो भवद्भिः |
न्भोविनः पात्थिवद्रान्यूयो भूयो याचते राम
az: ||

द्‌(घ)म्म
सर्व्वानेता

Plate VII (c)

THE GORAVANKAPALLI PLATES OF RAJARUDRA

Third Plate: First Side

CHAPTER XI

ALAPADU GRANT OF YELLANA DEVA OF THE TIME OF
QUEEN RUDRAMBIKA OF THE KAKATIYA DYNASTY

These plates were discovered in the Guntur district by Shri N. Bhagwandas, I.A.S.,
Collector and District Magistrate. My attention was first drawn to these plates by my
friend Sri P. Seshadri Sarma of Guntur, who had mistaken these plates for a grant of
Queen Rudramambika herself. Since I was not satisfied with the estampages that were sent
to me by him, I set about tracing the originals, and thanks to the kindness of Sri N.
Bhagwandas, L.A.S. these plates have now been acquired by the Government Archaeological
Museum at Hyderabad, and are now exhibited in the copper plate epigraphy section of the
Archaeological Museum at the Public Gardens, Hyderabad. Iam deeply grateful to Sri
N. Bhagwandas, LA.S., as well as to my friend Sri P. Seshadri Sarma for the help that they
gave me in securing the plates for the museum and for the other help in editing them.

The plates are five in number and measure 16 cms. in length, 10.5 cms. in breadth,
The rims of the plates are fairly well raised, and they are all connected by a ring passing
through a hole in the left side of the plates. The seal of the plates had been cut off before
they were retrieved by me. The total weight of the plates and that of the ring andthe
seal is 1990 grams and 337 grams respectively.

The plates are inscribed on either side, except on the first side of the first plate. On
the last side of the last plate, there are seven lines of writing, containing the usual impreca-
tory verses. The first side of the last and the fifth plate consists actually of only two lines
of writing, giving a description of the grantees of the village. It would have been quite a
simple matter to continue the writing in this side itself, and to insert the imprecatory verses
also here, but for reasons unknown the first side of the last plate has not been utilised for
this, and seven lines of writing have been inscribed on the last side, There are in all 82 lines
of writing in the plates, distributed as follows :

110 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

First plate second side 12 lines
Second plate first side 10 lines
Second plate second side 10 lines
Third plate first side 10 lines
Third plate second side 9 lines
Fourth plate first side 12 lines
Fourth plate second side 10 lines
Fifth plate first side 2 lines
Fifth plate second side 7 lines

Total 82 lines

The language of the plate is Sanskrit right through. The characters are the medieval
Nagari type and closely resemble the script used in the Kofagiri copper plate grant of queen
Rudrambika. The language is both in verse as well as in prose. There is nothing to be
particularly mentioned about the orthography, except for the usual peculiarities noticed
elsewhere. The verses used are generally in simple metre, and are mediocre in their poetic
qualities.

The plate starts with a general prayer that Lord Hari may protect the entire Universe.
Then a prayer is addressed to Lord Siva. The plate then goes on to state that Lord Vishnu,
who is stated here as ‘‘Kamalajani’’ may protect the entire universe, and Lord Hari is here
described as overshadowing during a close embrace of his consort Radha, by the shine of his
own body, the ‘Sthasa’ or a kind of pellet made out of Kasturi, which was adorning the.
Sthanabhara or the breast of Radha, Next comes а verse dedicated to Lord Vighneswara,
and his ears are described here as constantly moving, and being beset with bees, and hence
appearing as if his ear was like a fan or a Vyajana, which has been adorned with black bells.
on its side. Next comes a verse dedicated іо Lord Siva, in whose locks of hair, the moon
is said to be shining, even as several pearls in the Surasindhu or the Ganga, the idea being
a poetic imagery of the description of the moon and the Ganga, which both adorn the locks
of hair of the Lord.

With the above verse, the Prasasti in verse in the plate ends, and there are 14 lines of
prose, in which the glory of the line of kings of Yellana are described. They are described
here as ‘Parama Mahesvaras', as equivalent to Parasurama in keeping up their vows, as
equal to Gangéya or Bhishma in their Soucha, as being a cage made out of Vajra for those
who take refuge in them, as being very proficient in the art of giving more than what was.
asked of them, asa gift, by people, as putting to shame even the glory of the Lord Sun
himself by means of their valour, as pervading all the Asai ganas or the different cardinal

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE KAKATIYAS OF WARANGAL 111

directions by their unblemished glory, which is as white as Sarat Chandrika, and which
stands undiminished for many Kalpas or Yugas, as being experts in protecting the people of
good behaviour, as delighting the minds of many eminent wise men, as being equivalent to
the Bhujanga to the Rajavesya, and as behaving like brothers to Paranari or other women.
The grant then goes on to say, that in this Vamsa, the first Vamsa Pravakta от the founder of
the dynasty, was one Sri Krishna Kannara who was the son of Krishna Déva. His kingdom
is said to be in the midst of Varaha Désa and the kings are said to be masters of the Vardha-
manapura. This line of kings is also said to have obtained many glories by means of victory
in war.

The grant next describes the kings who were born in the above royal family. It
is stated that king Ekavira was the first king of this line, by whose valour both the
Pakshas or the bright and the dark fortnights became equal, the idea being that glory being
comparable to white in colour, the distinction between the black and the white Pakshas of
the month was eliminated during the reign of this king. After him, Jairugi Deva was born,
and his fame and valour are said to be playing in all the cardinal directions. From
Jairugi Deva and Kuntala Devi, Yellana Deva the present grantor, was said to have been born,
whose qualities even other kings are said to be wanting.

It is then mentioned, that in this world, pearls or Muktas are pure, and better
than them are the Taras orthe stars, and better than them too, are the drops of the
waters of the Ganga, and much better than all these is the mind of king Yellana Deva. The
grant then says that when Yellana Deva was ruling over the kingdom, and when the enemy
kings had obtained the Nirvana, there was not even the suggestion of the word of danger to
the learned men of his Court. The grant continues that wherever the look filled with
benevolence of Yellana Deva fell, there was immediately established Kamala Vilasa or the
Kataksha of Lakshmi and other like auspicious things. In the next verse, in Kramalankara,
it is stated that the enemy kings as soon as they heared the sound of the Jaya Yatra of
Yellana Déva, got up the mountains, entered the forests, and ran away from their own
houses. The grant finally describes that king Yellana Deva was thus spoken of and praised
in eulogistic verses by great poets and that he was an ocean of good qualities.

After this eulogistic description of Yellana Déva the grant describes in a few verses,
the greatness of the Kakatiya dynasty. It says, that the family of the Kakatiyas is
a family of prosperity, where Lord Paraméswara bestows all good and auspicious things.
In this auspicious family of the Kakatiyas, was born king Mahadéva by whom was destroyed
the darkness of his enemy kings. In the next verse the birth of Ganapati of the Kakatiya
dynasty is described. Next, in a verse of the Sarvato Vibhakti type, which makes use
of all the Vibhaktis, like Yah, Yam, Yena, Yasmin, Yasmath, Yasya etc., itis stated that
Ganapati was born out of the Kakatiya Kula and was full of devotion to the Lord. He was

112 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

endowed with all Soujanya. By him, was thrown away from the world, all dangers, and
to him was added all wealth. Of him all the enemies were afraid. To him every one
was a subject or a Parijana. In him, all the higher qualities were to be found. Such was
king Ganapati.

The next verse describes that king Ganapati was so kind towards his subordinates,
that their hearts turned into a “Кулда Griha’ or a playing house for him. The grant then
describes that after Ganapati was born Rudramadevi, who was better in her gifts than even
Svardhenu or Kamadhénu. The next verse describes that when Rudradéva, which is
obviously a reference to Queen Rudrama, was sharing the weight of the governance of the
country with Ganapati, it was a great wonder, that not her head, but the heads of the
enemy kings were bent down. If one bears a weight, his head should be bent, but whereas
іп the case of Queen Rudrama even though she was bearing the weight of the kingdom,
the heads of the enemy kings were bent low.

Then Yellana Deva is said to have obtained this kingdom by the Kripa or
generosity of Rudramadévi, and that along with his Nija Bharya or his own wife, who
was the Dwitiya Tanaya or the second daughter of Kakati Rudramadevi, he gave Alapadu
village for acquiring merit, to several brahmins who were fit to receive the gift, along with
all the Bhogas after dividing the village into unequal parts. The parts to which the village
was divided is said to be “Ayugmanthara Panchasad Bhage” etc. This means an odd part
added to fifty, and the exact calculation of the total parts received by the Brahmins as
described in the grant later on, shows that the village was exactly divided into 53 parts. —

The grant then gives the exact date of the gift of the village and says that
it was in Saka year ‘Rasa Naga Kshoni Sitamsu’. Sitamsu stands for the moon and repre-
sents 1, Kshoni stands for the earth and represents 1, Naga stands for the elephant or the
Ashta Diggajas and represents 8, Rasa stands for taste or Shadrasas and represents No. 6.
The year of the grant is thus Saka 1186 or 1264 A.D. The cyclic year is stated to be
Raktakshi and the time of the grant was the "Ardhodaya Punya Kala”. The grant also
describes the Gotras, the names and the shares of each of the grantees who were given shares
in the village. The grant finally ends with the usual imprecatory verses. Ж

Тһе year of the grant is as stated above 1186 Saka or 1264 A.D. 1264 A.D. corres-
ponds to Raktakshi and therefore the details of the name of the cyclic year given tallies
with this. We have now got to determine the actual date of the grant by means of the

further details given in it viz., that the grant was given at the time of the Ardhodaya Punya
Kala.

Ardhodaya Punya Kala occurs when the following ingredients are present: When, on
an amavasya day, at the end of the Pausha month and the beginning of the Magha month,
of any particular year, the weekday happens to be Sunday, the Nakshatra is Sravana,

(15) INSCRIPTIONS OF THE KAKATIYAS OF WARANGAL 113

and the yogais Vyatipata, then that is defined to be a Ardhodaya Punya Kala. If any one
of the above special features is wanting, it is called simply a Mahodaya Punya Kala.
Incidentally it may be noted that it is astronomically impossible, for all the above ingredients
ef an Ardhodaya Punya Kala to happen in any year unless some month previous to Magha
is an Adhikamasa. In this year Raktakshi, it is noted that actually inthe Ashadha
month, there was an Adhika Ashadha and a Nija Ashadha month also and hence this
ingredient is satisfied.

In this case viz. 1264 A.D. the Amavasya in between the end of the Pausha month and
the beginning of the Magha month fell on the 18th January, 1265 A.D. on which date there
was also a Solar eclipse. The Nakshatra on that day was Sravana and the Yoga was also
Vyatipata. న

Since all the ingredients of an Ardhodaya Punyakala viz. the special Tithi Amavasya
between Pausha and Magha, the day being a Sunday, the Nakshatra being Sravana, and the
Yoga being Vyatipata are fully satisfied in this case, we may therefore conclude that 18th
January, 1265 A.D. is the date of the grant.

The further and the more important question arises in this case viz., the identity of
the donor viz., king Yellana Déva. Three names are given in the plate viz., Ekavira, his son
Jairugi and his wife Kuntala Dévi and his son Yellana Déva. The Vamsa Pravakta is said to
be Krishna Kannara who was the son of Krishna Déva. Upto now the names of these feuda-
tories have not been met with anywhere, in any of the contemporary Kakatiya records. The
Varaha Désa and the Vardhamanapura mentioned in the grant correspond to the Vaddamanu
of the modern Mahabubnagar district.

However, we know from other sources that during the time of the queen Rudrambika
one Gona Vittala was ruling from Vardhamanapura. In fact this Gona Vittala invaded the
Seuna territory on the western frontier of the Kakatiya kingdom and some of the important
events which took place during that invasion describing the achievements of Gona Vittala
are given in an inscription: in the Raichur Fort of 1294 A.D. where it is stated that Vittala
captured the forts of Adavani and Tumbulam in the Bellary district together with Manuva
and Haluva in the Raichur doab. Vittala is said to have entered the city of Raichur and
erected a strong fort to protect the country and its inhabitants from further incursions. It
isthus obvious that Virtala must have wrested the Krishna-Tungabhadra doab from the
Yadavas of Dévagiri and fortified Raichur by taking steps to prevent its re-conquest. Thus
the Gona Vittala of Vardhamanapuri was a fairly powerful feudatory of queen Rudramba.

It must be remembered in this connection that the relationship of king Ganapati of
the Kakatiyas with the Seunas was fairly cordial, but with the accession of queen Rudrama-
dévi to the throne this cordiality ceased and a serious danger came to the Kakatiya empire,

1. The Early History of the Deccan, Yazdani, Vol. II, - p. 637.

114 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

from the Seuna king Mahadéva, who succeeded his cousin Krishna in 1260 A.D. and who
invaded the Kakatiya kingdom. His invasion ended in utter failure, for according to the
Pratapacharita, Mahadeva though he laid seige to the capital Warangal, was resisted valiantly
by queen Rudramba for 15 days during which she destroyed three lakhs of Suena infantry
and one lakh of cavalry. In this connection it must be remembered that there is an
inscription’ of Sarangapani Déva in the temple of Chaya Somanatha at Panugal of Nalgonda
district dated 1267 A.D. which registers a gift of land to the temple by Saran gapanidéva
son of Seuna king Singhana a subordinate of the Kakatiya Manma Rudradéva which is
the same as Rudramadevi. Evidently Sarangapanidéva who had seized the fort of Panugal
realised that it would be impossible for him to exercise independence without accepting
the suzerainty of the Kakatiya queen. Ina similar manner it is possible that other Yadava
feudatories who might have been exercising control over the Raichur doab might also have
accepted the overlordship of the Kakatiyas.

The mother of Yellanadéva the present grantor is stated to be Kuntaladévi and this
name would appear to have some connection with Kuntaladésa which is the same as Raichur
doab. Moreover the ancestral names given in the grant, viz., Krishna Kannara, Jairugi etc.
definitely show some tinge of connection with the Seunas or the Yadavas of Devagiri. It is
also possible that the ancestors of Yellanadéva might have been exercising control over the
Raichur doab and ruling from Vardhamanapura or Vaddamanu of the modern Mahabub-
nagar district, and that at a later stage the family of the Gona Vitfalas might have succeeded
them, though the original branch might have continued to exercise the jurisdiction over the
Raichur doab only, but were calling themselves as Vardhamanapuradhisvara. In all proba-
bility therefore the ancestors of Yellanadéva must have been feudatories under the Seunas or
the Yadavas of Devagiri, who must have changed their allegience after the defeat of the
Seunas by queen Rudramadevi at the beginning of her career.

This view is further supported by a very important verse which occurs in the grant
and which states as follows :

अस्याः रुद्रमदेव्या: कृपयादेशं समासाद्य निजमार्याया: काकति रुद्रम देवि द्वितीयतनयायाः etc.

This shows that Yellanadeva obtained his kingdom by the ‘Krupa’ or the generosity
of queen Rudramodevi. This statement therefore lends colour to the above view that this
family must have been given protection by Queen Rudramadevi after defeating the Yadavas
of Devagiri. Queen Rudramadevi would appear to have given her second daughter in
marriage to Yellamadeva as the grant specifically mentions the words 'Nija Bharyayah
Kakati Rudramadevi Dvitiya Tanayayah". Jt would thus appear that Queen Rudramadevi
gave her second daughter in marriage to Yéllnadéva and thereby cemented her relations

1. Hyderabad Archaeological Series, A Corpus of Telangana Inscriptions —No. 34,

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE KAKATIYAS OF WARANGAL 115

with her powerful feudatory so as to fortify her frontiers against further sudden attacks
from the enemies.

We know from other sources that Kakati Rudramadevi had two daughters viz.,
Mummadamma and Ruyyamma. The former according to Pratapa Rudriya Yasobhüshanam
married a certain Mahadeva otherwise unknown. To them was born a son called
Prataparudra who was adopted by Rudramadévi by the command of her father. The
second daughter Ruyyamma was given in marriage to Annaladéva or Annayya son of
Gannayya of the Indulari family according to the traditions preserved in the Sivayoga Sara.
He was said to be a Maha Pradhani and Senadhipati in the service of the Queen Rudramma
and rendered valuable help to her not merely in the wars that were waged but also in the
administration of the kingdom. Since the present grant specifically mentions Yellanadeva
as the husband of the Dvitiya Tanaya of queen Rudramba it is difficult to reconcile the
details of this grant, with the tradition in the Sivayaga Sara.

The village d/apadu mentioned in the grant is not susceptible of identification.

The names of the various Grantees, their Gotras and their Bhagas etc. as given
in the grant are given below:

NS Name of the Grantee Gotra ы 2
1 2 3 4
1. Kamepalli Yerrapotarayah Srivastsa 2
2. Mailarya ss 13
3. Майауағуа, S/o Mailarya above s; 51
4. Adityaryah స 5
5. Yerrapotarya 3 1
6. Nagadévarya 4 5 1
7. Adityarya s 1
8. Dévanarya 5 1
9. Udayagiri Vodayarya T 1
10. Padadeva Bhatta Hariti 3
11. Dévanarya js 1
12. Palli Adityarya Bhardvajasa 1+
13. Vanda Bhattopadhyaya M 1:
14. Somarayarya i i
15. Mukundarya n 1
16. Tammayarya Gautama 2
17. Damédarayarya " 1
18. Govindarya Vadhula 2

116 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

1 2 3 4
19. Kondapalli Dévaréta Upadhyaya Atréya 1
20. Adityarya Parasara 1
21. Bhaskararya Gargi 1i
22. Kumararya Sounaka 1
23. Purushothamarya Bharadvajasa 1
24. Pekanarya Gautama 1
25. Vaidyanathadéva " 21
26. Somanatha Deva క్ర 1

Total 53 Parts

Thus this grant is every important since it introduces to us for the first time the second
son-in-law of Queen Rudramma. This is also one of the earliest grants of the time of
Queen Rudrambika.

TEXT AND PLATES
OF
ALAPADU GRANT OF YELLANA DEVA

118

COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

FIRST PLATE: SECOND SIDE

"wer! गुणावग्रथितासितमणि [ x x x xx] жаран यहूंष्टायां

स क्रोडात्मा हरिर्जगत्पायात्‌. (1) गौरी [х X > D मोछो- भुजगा
घिपते; फणावलयः | मंगलसदनं धत्ते रल्लाली घटित तरु

ण रोखरतां (2) वंक्षसि әл राधास्तनभरकस्तूरिकास्थासं |
स्थगग्रन्निजतनुकांत्या कमछाजानि: सदा TAAT, (3)

कणाभ्यां' तरछाभ्यां प्रणददलिभ्यां कपोलसं

, गिभ्यां । असितमणिकिकिणीकव्यजना भ्या
faa विभाति गजवदन: (4) गोरीरमणस्या सिमिन्मूर्ध

faa जयति कळा 1 शुक्तिरिव मोक्तिकानां सुर

се सिंधोः शीकराकीर्णा (5) अस्ति खस्ति परममाहेश्व

राणां प्रतिज्ञापरशुरामाणां शोर्यगांगेयानां शरं

: ` णागतवञ्जपंजराणां अधि[थि]सार्थश्राथिताधिक

SECOND PLATE: FIRST SIDE

वितरण विद्याचणानां प्रह सितमात्तीडमंडरूप्रता

' पोन्नतीनां शरच्ंद्रचंद्रिकाकल्पानेककल्पस्थि

रानण्य"यशो विशदीकृतसमस्ताशांगणानां स
दाचार परिपालन प्र[वधि]तांतःकरणवृत्तिसंतो

. ' प्रिताशेष मनीषिमानसानां राजवेइया

भुजंगानां परनारीसोदराणां 49744

तक कृष्णदेवतनूज श्रीकृष्णकन्नारदेवानां वरा
हदेशमध्यवत्ति व्धमानपुरवराधीश्वराणां ब्रा

ang [ x x xx] युद्धविजयळब्धयमद्‌ंडस .

माख्य [ x x x xd] [x x ] राज्ञमानो राज्ञा

1; Read as स्वच्छ `

2. “Мау be filled up as मणिराविन्ददुर्की
3

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:, May be filled up аз авна
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ALAPADU PLATES OF YELLANADEVA

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Plate VIII (b)
ALAPADU PLATES OF YELLANADEVA

Second Plate: Second Side

|

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INSCRIPTIONS OF THE KAKATIYAS OF WARANGAL

SECOND PLATE: SECOND SIDE

de:| gaiiad तत्रासीदेकवीरम .

gaa: | aaqa हिममहसा जातं पक्षद्वयाद्वे

d (6) जेतुगिदेवस्तस्मात्पादुरभूद्विकमस्य निजवस

fa: | निइशांकं यस्य गुणाः ककुभामंकेषु खेलेति (7) +
स्मात्कुंदळदेव्यामेछणदेवक्षमारमणः |

यस्य गुणानन्यूनाकांक्षंति क्षमानाथाः (T)

: (8) मुक्ता (:) खच्छास्ताभ्यस्तारासामभ्यश्व गांगसलिल. `
कणाः | तेभ्योपि तरां (रं) मानसमेछणदेवक्षिती -

शस्य (9) एलणदेवे राज्यं жай वैरिनृपति नि

वोणे। सर्वेषामपि विदुषामापद्वार्तापि aed] (10)

THIRD PLATE: FIRST SIDE

एलणदेवस्थ नि(वि)भो: सदयापांगावलोकनं यत्र |

तत्र कमलाविलासः gad विनयस्यचोत्कर्षः (11)
एलणदेवनरेश्वरजययात्राकणनाद्विपव: | సేత

वनं निवासं रोह ति विशंति मुंचंति (12) इतिसुकवि स्तो
त्राणां पात्रं गुणरलवारिधिश्चतुरः । . मूत्तिः श
करभक्तेरेलणदेवक्षमानाथः (13) सर्वाणि

यत्र श्रेयांसि खयंभू; परमेश्वरः | निधत्ते काकती
शानां depo संपदां mé (14) तस्मादभून्मंहा देवक्षो
णीश्वरश्षिरोमणिः । तेजसा यस्थ विध्वस्तं šf: _
чаї а (15) यस्सर्वेश्वरभक्तिरंजितमनांस्सौ :

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COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

THIRD PLATE: . SECOND SIDE.

ача. य॑. येन .प्रतिमोचिता ఇగ .दि(वि) Te

समस्ताः श्रियं:.।... -यस्माहिभ्यति..शत्रवः परिजनो

यंस्याखिछाः erm यस्मिन्सवगुणोंन्रतिगण

«а: ఇ азҹа, (16) मुत्रीयति निजदासान्‌
तेषां हृदयेषु सवेषु । ` क्रीडारल्गृहीय

तिःगणपतिदेव: क्षमाभृतां देवः (17) मंदा
रस्यामंब्रींडा वारांनिधिष्योत्स्ता | Ее खर्धेनों

रुद्रमेदेबी ततो जाता (18) गणपति नृपराज्यघुरां fü

आशे रुद्रदेवनरनाथे AR वसुधाधिप्‌नामा

AE (19) अस्या रुद्रमदेव्या: कुपया. दे.

‘FOURTH; PLATE; FIRST SIDE

श॑ anara | निजमार्यायाः काकतिरुद्रेम [देवि द्विती]

य तनयायाः (20) पुण्यार्थमयुग्मांतरपंचाशद्वाग कल्पन

या सहितं «9а: पात्रमूतेभ्यः (21) प्राय
च्छदारपांडं एल्लणदेवक्षत्नानाथं: 1" 'शाकब्दे' रसना
गक्षोणीशीतांशु परिंगणिते (22) रक्ताख्याइ (sar wa] a का
ले चाद्धंदिये Чо । ' अत्र प्रतिग्रही तृन्रझंणा

नां. नामगोत्राणि लिख्यते a ,कामेषछि. sç

Фата द्विमागी.। मेळारार्य्योदशभागी |

तत्पुत्रो aware: सार्धपंचमागी । .. आदित्याः पेत्र

भागी । ऐर्रपोतार्यो भागी 1) नागदेवार्यो. भागी । arf
Sat wpfr Заста? मांगी) उदयगिरि айдат

af भागी एते श्रीवत्सा: । [पालदेवमट्टोपाध्यायसिं]

‘SX Writing -is faint but fronithe original tliis can be read as ЯН Ad gem.

Plate VIII (c)

ALAPADU PLATES OF YELLANADEVA

Third Plate:

Second Side

пуа य
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аатай са: сае лал

атт చ Sa]

Fourth Plate :

лде,

First Side

46

48.

50

54

56

58

60

62

64

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ALAPADU PLATES OF -YELLANADEVA.

Fourth Plate : Sécond Side

Plate VIII (d)

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99,

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INSCRIPTIONS OF THE KAKATIAS OF WARANGAL

‘FOURTH PLATE: SECOND SIDE

भागी ।- देवणार्यो भागी इमौ हारीतो पा[मिडि]पछि
आदिद्यार्यः सार्थभागी । वंदभट्टोपाध्याय: सार्धभागी |
таята ат । मुकुन्दार्यो भागी ^ ud भरद्वाजा
:। तंमयार्यो द्विभागी 1 ` दामोदरा्यो भागी । ` इमौ
गोतमगोत्रौ । गोविंदार्यो द्विमागी ат

Чета: | कोडपछिदेवरेभटूटुपाध्या

यो भागी आत्रेयगोत्रः । эп а

गी | पराशरगोत्रः ॥ मास्करायः साद्धमागी । ТІН
गोत्रः 1 жатпай भागी शौनकगोत्र: । _ पुरुषो
warab भागी । मरद्वाजगोत्रः । पेकनार्यो भा

FIFTH PLATE: FIRST SID.

गी Tanta. बेजनाथादेवः पादोत्तरद्विमा
गः सोमनाथदेव: पादभागी БЕН

FIFTH PLATE: SECOND SIDE
सामान्योयं धर्मसेतुनपाणां काले काले पार

. Фат भवद्भिः | सर्वानेतान्भाविनः पार्थिवे .

दरान्‌ भयो भूयो apud रामचंद्रः ॥ खदत्तां पर
दत्तां वा यो हरेत वसुंधरां षष्टिं वर्षसहसाणि
Asai जायते क्रिमिः ॥ शत्रुणापि _

कृतो धर्मः पालनीयः qaqa; | IR

वहि, शत्रुः “ган: waa कस्यचित्‌ ॥

121

Plate VIII (e)

ALAPADU PLATES OF YELLANADEVA es ‘PUSS
fos” 5
Fifth Plate: Second Side Se - ?

Аа аг A उस सह

er xia. finm
eR agna ధల S
X Ma IC EP PIECE MI
` Seal of the Plates com m 3

A general view of the plates with the ring and the seal.

SECTION IV

THE EASTERN GANGAS OF KALINGA

CHAPTER XII

A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE EASTERN GANGA KINGS OF KALINGA

1. INTRODUCTION

Kalinga is the ancient name for the territory comprising of the modern districts of
Visakhapatnam and Srikakulam of Andhra Pradesh and Berhampar and Ganjam of Orissa
state. This tract is famous in Indian history since it was at a battle field of Kalinga some-
where here, that Asoka the great Mauryan emperor had his mental revolution after winning
a victory in a sanguinary war and gave up war and blood-shed as a means of settling prob-
lems and took to the preaching and propagation of the law of Dharma propounded by
Lord Buddha as the correct conduct of life and ethics. Kalinga consecrated by this great
act of Asoka has continued right through history to playa significant part in moulding
Indian history. This tract was ruled by a line of kings who were called the Eastern Gangas
of Kalinga. This Eastern Ganga line is divisible into three groups, the Early Eastern
Gangas, the Medieval Eastern Gangas, and the Later Eastern Gangas. The Eastern Gangas
ruled this tract.in an uninterrupted line from the 5th century A.D. right up to the 15th
century A.D. The Early Eastern Ganga kings referred their charters in an era called the
Ganga era while the medieval and the Later Eastern Ganga kings referred their charters in
the well-known Saka era.

2. THE KALINGA

Kalinga is one of the oldest countries of India and references to it are found in the
Puranas, the Sutras and also in the works of classical writers like Pliny, Ptolemy and
Arrian. Mahabharata mentions Kalinga along with the other tribes, and in the great war of
Kurukshetra these Kalingas are said to have fought against the Pandavas. Pliny’s ‘Natural
History’ which contains a history of the Indian races mentions a tribe called ‘Calingae’
near the sea. From the classical accounts of Mccrindle and Plutrach we learn that in
Alexander’s time the Kalinga Gangas and the Prachya Magadhas were living in the valley of

126 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

river Ganges. The Jain works ‘Parisishtaparvam’ and ‘Maha Bodhi Vamsa’ confirm this
account,

Coming to medieval times we get from the Sanskrit Kavya ‘Ganga Vamsanucharita’
composed by an Oriya poet Vasu Deva Ratha Somayaji a genealogical and chronological ' ,
account of the Ganga kings. The famous work ‘Madala Panji’ which is a chronicle kept in
the Pari Jagannatha temple and which was probably composed in Oriya by the end of the
16th century gives us also a glimpse of the genealogy and chronology of these kings. A
famous contemporary Tamil poem called ‘Kalingattupparani’ by Jayangondar of the 12th
century A.D. describes the invasion of the north Kalinga or the Sapta Kalinga by Karuna-
kara who was a commander of Kulottunga Chola. This gives us a graphic and vivid
account of the various adventures of Karunakara and incidentally gives us a glimpse into
the social life and customs of the people inhabiting the Kalinga. The Sanskrit works like
‘Vidyadhara Ekavali' and ‘Narahari Yati Stotra’ describe the religious and political condi-
tions of Kalinga under later Ganga kings in the 13th century A.D.

The Kalinga is thus the only tract that has been ruled in India by an uninterrupted
line of kings for nearly one thousand years from nearly 450 A.D. to 1450 A.D. There have
been vicissitudes of prosperity as well as of adversity for this line of kings, but the dynasty
continued as such, and the rule went on for nearly one thousand years uninterruptedly.

3. KALINGANAGARA THE CAPITAL OF THE EARLY EASTERN GANGAS

The capital of these kings was known as 'Kalinganagara', and many of the grants of
these kings were also issued from Kalinganagara, their capital. The kings called them-
selves as ‘Trikalingadhipati’. The exact location of this Kalinganagara has been the subject
matter of some dispute among scholars. The Bhishma and Udyoga Parvas in the Maha-
bharata refer to two Kalinga tribes with capitals at ‘Rajapuram’ and ‘Dantapuram’. The
Rajapuram has been identified with Jaipur in Orissa, and ‘Dantapuram’ with the Dantapura in
the present Srikakulam district. In Valmiki's ‘Ramayana’ ‘Ayodhya Kanda’, a reference is made
to a ‘Kalinganagara’ lying on the banks of river “бола”, to the west of ‘Ayodhya’ when Dasa-
ratha was ruling over Ayodhya. The Buddhist ‘Jataka tales’ and the Ceylone chronicles viz.
‘Dipa Vamsa' and ‘Maha Vamsa’ mention that Simhapura in Kalinga, was named as ‘Danta-
pura’ by the Buddhists because the tooth relic or the ‘Danta’ of Buddha was consecrated there
for worship. Dr. Fleet identified ‘Kalinganagara’ with the modern ‘Kalingapattanam’ at the
sea port at the mouth of ‘Vamsadhara’ while Alexander Cunningham identified Kalinganagara
with Rajahmundry on the banks of river Godavari. For the first timethe identification of
‘Kalinganagara’ with ‘Mukhalingam’ which is a famous ‘Punya Kshétra’ in Srikakulam district
of modern Andhra Pradesh was made by Sri G.V. Ramamurty.' According to him no traces

1. Madras Journal of Lit. Society 1889-1894, p. 68.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE EASTERN GANGAS OF KALINGA 127

ef any antiquity are found at Kalingapattanam whereas in Mukhalingam and at ‘Nagarikata-
kam’ which is two miles distant from ‘Mukhalingam’ we get very many historical remains.
There are temples in‘ Mukhalingam’ dedicated to Lord Siva in the name of ‘Madhukésvara’ and
Somésvara’ and these temples contain various inscriptions to the God of the temple who is
described in the inscriptions themselves as ‘Kalingavani Nagare Sriman Madhukésvaraya’.
This shows that ‘Mukhalingam’ which contains these temples was known as 'Kalinganagara'.
An Eastern Ganga king called Kamarnava founded a town called ‘Nagara’ where he built a
temple to lord Siva called ‘Madhukesvara’. Mukhalingam is a corrupt form for ‘Mohalinga’
which is the Oriya form of the word ‘Madhukalingam’. This identification of ‘Mukha-
lingam’ as ‘Kalinganagara’ has been generally accepted by all scholars like Dr. Hulzsch',
V. A. Smith? and R. D. Benerji? etc.

4. THE EASTERN GANGA OR THE KALINGA ERA

The early Ganga kings were in the habit of referring the regnal years mentioned
in their charters not in the Saka era, but in their own eastern Ganga era called as
Gangeya Vamsa Samvatsara’ or ‘Pravarthamana Vijaya Rajya Samvatsare’ etc. Although
a number of copper plate grants of these early Eastern Ganga kings have been discovered,
still the starting point of this Ganga era has been a moot point and has been attributed
to widely different dates by different scholars.

The initial year of the Ganga Era has been fixed by various scholars as follows :

1. Sri G. Ramadas 394 A.D. (1.6. ХШ, 128)
2. Dr. D. C. Sircar 496-97 A.D. (Select Inscriptions)
3. Sri B. V. Krishna Rao 498 A.D. (Early Dynasties of Andhradesa, 578-92)
4. Prof. V. V. Mirashi 498 A.D. (E.I. XXVI, 333)
5. SriJ.C. Ghosh 496 A.D. (L.A. LXI, 237)
6. Sri M. Somasekhara Sarma 504-05 A.D. (I.C. IX, 148)
7. Sri R. C. Muzumdar 550-57 A.D. (LC. IV. 179)
8. Sn G. S. Ojha 570 A.D.
9. Dr. Fleet 590 A.D. (LA. XVI, 131)
10. Sri S. N. Rajaguru 626-27 A.D. (J.A.H.R.S. I, 29-50)

The date that is now generally accepted is 497-98 or 496-97.

The main difficulty in fixing the starting point of this era correctly is due to the fact
that many of the astronomical data supplied inthe various records of the kings like the:
Solar eclipses or the Lunar eclipses etc. do not tally with each other.

1. Epigraphia Indica Vol. IX, p. 94.
2. Early History of India p. 498.
3. History of Orissa p. 42.

128 i COPPER PLATE INCSRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

It is significant that while the Chalukyas of the Deccan and the Kadambas and the
Western Gangas of Mysore used the ‘Saka Varsha’ the Eastern Gangas alone used their own
*Gangeya Samvatsara’ probably to assert their independence. The Eastern Gangas like the
Valabhis in Malva, the Maukharis in Bihar and the Chalukyas in the Deccan probably
became independent after the downfall of the Gupta empire, and when the Gupta influence
declined and the Eastern Gangas asserted their independence, they must have started an
era of their own. This view which has been put forward by Prof. R. Subba Rao is quite
consistant with the evidences before us, since the very early kings of this line did not
refer to the Ganga era.

Though many of the grants give thé ‘Punya Kalas like the ‘Vishuva’ and ‘Uttarayana’,
'Sankrantis, the months, the ‘Pakshas’ the ‘Tithi? and the ‘Nakshatras’ and also the
occurrence of Solar and Lunar eclipses, still the name of the year has not been given to
establish an equation with the Saka era. However, itis possible to arrive at an approximate
date from the evidence available to us. There is one important grant called the "Jirjingi 1
grant of Indravarma of the 39th year of the Ganga era in which the king is described as a
victor in several battles. It has been held that this king is referred to in Prithvi Müla's Goda-
vari plates as having defeated the Vishnukundin king Indrabhattaraka who is known to have
ruled from other sources from 500 A.D. to 530 A.D. This synchronism leads us to equate
the 39th year of Ganga year to 530 A.D. or the Ganga era would begin round about 490
A.D. The second important clue to the fixation of the starting point of the Ganga era
comes from а grant by king Madhu Kamarnava issued in Ganga era 526°. In this grant
Madhu Kamarnava had made certain grants of villages to Vaisyas. From the genealogy and
chronology given in many of the grants of king Vajrahasta a Medieval Eastern Ganga king
who gives his date in Saka era, we learn that Madhu Kamarnava ruled from 1019-1037 A.D.
Hence equating the Ganga era year 526 with the A.D. year 1019-1037 A.D. we find that the
Ganga era would begin round about 493 A.D., if the king had made the grant in the first
year of his accession. The third important clue comes from the ‘Simhapura’ copper plate
grant of the Kadamba king Dharmakhedi of the Ganga Kadamba era 520: The Ganga
Kadamba era can rightly be identified with the Ganga era, as the Kadambas were the feuda-
tories of the Gangas, and working on the assumption that Dharmakhedi referred to here is
the same as the Dharmakhédi referred to in the ‘Mandasa’ plates of Anantavarma Deva of
Saka 913 we get that the Ganga year 520 would correspond to Saka year 913 or the Ganga
era would have started round about 471 A.D.

Thus the above evidence would go to show that the Ganga era started somewhere in
the later half of the Sth century A.D. Working upon the astronomical data given in two

1. J.A. H. R, S: Vol, III Part-1 Page 49
2. C.P. No. 3 in the Annual report of the South Indian Epigraphy for 1918-19
3. J.A.H.R.S., Vol. Ш, p. 171

(17) INSCRIPTIONS OF THE EASTERN GANGAS OF KALINGA 129

plates of king Indravarma of this line published by me,* Thad come to the conclusion that
there were two years of the same king, namely 127 Gangaera wherea Margasira Lunar
eclipse occured and 133 Ganga era, where a Sravana solar eclipse occurred, and astronomically
this occurrence of Margasira Lunar eclipse and Sravana solar eclipse within an interval of
six years being a very rare occurrence [ had calculated the dates and fixed 434 A.D. as the
starting point of the Ganga era. This was based on the reading of the year of that grant as
133 Ganga era which has been doubted by some scholars. Prof. Mirashi has also
done invaluable work in this field and though no evidence has upto now come forward to
categorically assert any particular year as the starting point of the Ganga era the nearest
approach would be to say that the later half of the Sth century A.D. is the starting point
of the Ganga era. |

5. THE EARLY EASTERN GANGA KINGS

The Early Ganga kings or as they are called the Varma line of kings ruled from the
beginning of the Ganga era to 397 Ganga era or 890 A.D. when the Medieval Eastern Ganga
kings starting from Guna Maharnava’s son and Vajrahasta-I, whose dates are very well
known to us since they gave their period in Saka era, came to the throne. For a correct
history of this early line of Eastern Ganga kings, we have no other evidence except their
own copper plates and other inscriptions. In all we get reference to 26 kings from the
early kings to Vajrahasta-I though only seventeen of them were ruling kings. The rest аге
merely referred to in the copper plates. Their geneology and their years can be roughly
worked out by means of their own copper plate grants and the other information contained
therein. The geneology of the early Ganga kings would be roughly as follows: The
approximate years of only the ruling kings are shown in the brackets.’ The rest are merely
referred to in inscriptions. |

1. J.A.H.R.S., Vol. XX, p. 22.

130 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

Mitavarma (522 A.D.)
Indravarma (533 A.D.)
Anantavarma
Dayendravariaa (545 A.D.)
Satyavarma (545 A.D.)

— T A R

త. (574 A.D.) ТӨРІНЕН, П (585 A.D.)
గా

1 Ш (648 A.D.)
Gunarnava

|
Devéndravarma-II (689 A.D.)
|

| |
/ауауағта Anantavarma-IJ (698 A.D.)
|

| | |
Nandayarma (715 A.D.) Dévendravarma-11I (148 A.D.)

Rajendravarma

PP 1) (798 A.D.) న य V (804 A.D.)
Rajendravarma-1I (836 A.D.)
Vajri or Vajrahasta
Marasimha
Bie OA
Devendravarma-V (890 A.D.)
Guna Maharnava (894 A.D.)

Vajrahasta-I (894 A.D. - 938 A.D.)
(the first historical king of the Medieval Eastern Ganga kings)

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE EASTERN GANGAS OF KALINGA 131

The main source material for the history of the above kings are as stated above their
copper plate grants which are quite numerous. These grants give us graphic descriptions
about the contemporary kings, the social life of the people, the different territorial

divisions or the ‘Vishayas’ into which the country was divided, the names of the villages,
the names of the boundaries of villages, the names of famous centres of learning, the

names of various learned brahmins etc.

It was during the reign of Indravarma-III the son of Danarnava that the Chinese
Buddhist pilgrim Yuan Chwang visited Kalinga. Не is said to have reached the Udra
country which was 7,000 Ji in circuit with its capital about 20 li circuit. Its people
differed in speech and manners from those of mid India. Near the sea shore in the south-
east of the country there was a town called Charitrapura about 20 li in circuit, which
was aresting place for traders going out the sea. This town has been identified by
several scholars with Pari. The Chinese pilgrim though he does not give us any details
about the Government of the country or the exact location of the Capital still states that
“near the south wall of the capital there was ап Asokan Tope beside which were a sitting
place and exercise ground of the four past Buddhas.”

There is a reference to Kalinga in the ‘Dasakumara Charitra’ of the poet ‘Dandi’
where he says that the king of Kalinga called Kardana was enjoying all the sports in a
garden near the sea-shore with his royal house-hold, while he was taken prisoner by the
Andhra king called Jayasimha, who took the king as prisoner to his capital Andhranagara.
The Kalinga king’s general by name Mahabhaga disguised himself and approached the
Andhra king and killed him and released both the Kalinga king and his daughter Kanaka-
lékha with whom the Andhra king had falien in love.

6. THE MEDIEVAL GANGA KINGS

The genealogy and the chronogy of the Medieval Gangas are easily ascertainable from
the various copper plate grants of Vajrahasta-III and his grand son Anantavarma Choda
Ganga, who have mentioned in their grants the order in which the kings succeeded each
other, their relationship with one another and also the total number of years for which each
king reigned. These kings have also mentioned their dates in the Saka era and in fact the
date of coronation of Vajrahasta-III has been given with great accuracy and this has been
discussed elsewhere in this volume as falling on 9th April, 1038 AD. The copper plate
inscriptions of these medieval kings start the genealogy with the Eastern Ganga king Guna
Maharnava Maharaja's son who belonged to the Atréya Gotra and who enjoyed universal
sovereignty by the favour of the Lord Gokarnaswamy of Mahendragiri. His son Vajrahasta-I,
who ruled for forty four years is the first historical ruler of this Medieval Ganga line of
kings. The genealogy and chronology of this line of kings as ascertained from their
various grants would be as follows :.

132 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

Gunamaharnava’s son

|
` Vajrahasta- (894-938 A.D.)
|

J: NORD ae ыл]
Gundama (938-941 A.D.) Kamarnava (941-976 A.D.) Vijayaditya (976-979 A.D.)
Anantavarma Aniyanka Bhima Vajrahasta-I (979-1014 A.D.)
|

Dévendravarma Kamarnava Gundama Madhu Kamarnava
(1014 A.D.) (1015-1018 A.D.) (1019-1037 A.D.)

Anantavarma Vajrahasta-III (1037-1070 A.D.)
Devendravarma Ra P Raja Deva (1070-1077 A.D.)
Anantavarma Choda Ganga Deva (1077-1150 A.D.)

This line of kings is very famous and apart from the many copper plate inscriptions
we have а wealth of lithic records recorded on the walls of many temples like those of
Mukhalingam, Narayanapuram, Draksharamam etc. which give us detailed accounts of the
life of the people. The names of their generals, their subordinates, the type of offices which
were held in their days are all known from these, From these records we come to know of
many important officials of the time such as ‘Pancha Vishaya Mandalésvara’ (Provincial
Governor), ‘Pancha Patra’ (Military Commander) ‘Amatya’ (Minister), ‘Maha Samanta’
(a great feudatory), ‘Rajanaka’ (Secretary to the king), ‘Purohita’ (King’s spiritual adviser),
‘Sandhi Vigrahi’ (Minister for war and peace), ‘Maha Pratihara’ (Chamberlain), ‘Akshasali’
(Inscriber of documents) ‘Danda Pasika’ (a police Superintendent), ‘Yathakaladhyasi’
(a regular attendant) etc. etc. This hierarchy of officials clearly proves how the adminis-
tration was collecting tax on land, water, income, profession as well as levying tributes,
customs duties, court fees etc. We learn of these things because while making grants of the
villages, these are specifically mentioned as having been excepted by the king. The kings
are all described as worshippers of Lord Gokarna who is situated оп the Mahendragiri, and
who is invariably described in these records as ‘Sakala Bhuvanaika Satradhari’ or a single
director for the entire machinery of the world's existence. The existence of Gokarnaswamy
on Mahendragiri, ‘Vatesvara’ and ‘Viresvara’ in Palür near Chatrapur and 'Madhukesvara'
and ‘“Bhimésvara’ in Mukhalingam, along with the fact that large endowments were made
by these kings for the worship of Lord Siva would go to prove, that these kings were
great Saivites, and that from the 6th century A.D. on wards Saivism replaced Buddhism
and Jainism in this part of the country.

From the inscriptions we learn that apart from sea-port towns like Kalingapattanam,
Visakhapatnam, and Bhimunipatnam which were centres of growing trade, the country was -

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE EASTERN GANGAS OF KALINGA 133

also divided into ‘Nadus’ or districts of which we get several names. Many of them have
been identified with their modern counterparts as the following will show.

Gamgaikonda Chodavalanadu, Guddavadinadu, Jantarunadu, Sarudanadu, Prolanadu,
Nunganüdu, Pottapinadu, Pakanadu, Chodanadu (Chodavaram Taluq), Dimilivishayam (Ela-
manchili Taluq), Eradivishayam, Paratalagam, Kroshtuka or Varahavartani (Parlakimidi
Таоа), Kulavartani (Chicacole Taluq), Virakottam (Palakonda Taluq), Bobbili Varadarapu
Vishayam, Jalamvuru (Urlam), Rüpavartani (Tekkali), Potnaru (Vijayanagaram), Vomkhara-
bhoga and Prakkinadu (Chipurupalli).

7. THE LATER GANGA KINGS

With the reign of Anantavarma Choda Gangadeva, there was a close intermixture and
matrimonial alliances with the Chalas of the South. His chief queen who shared with him
the honour of the coronation ceremony was a Chola Mahadevi. He had another queen
called Kastürikamodini and it was the prince born out of this queen Kastürikamodini that
finally succeeded Anantavarma Chéda Ganga with the name Kamarnava, After this the centre
of gravity of the Ganga line of kings moved more into the Orissa districts of their kingdom.
The capital was also shifted from Mukhalingam to Orissa. From the various copper plate and
stone inscriptions of these kings, as well as from the information from the several literary
sources, the chronology and the genealogy of this line of kings can be established as follows:
Anantavarma Choda Ganga Deva (1076-1150 A.D.)

| ССО 574 mM |
Kamarnava-VII Raghava Raja Raja-II Aniyanka Bhima

(1147-1156 A.D.) (1156-1170) (1170-1194) (1194-1198)
(By queen (By queen (By queen ( ueen
Kasturikamodini) Indiradévi) Chandralekha) Chandralékha)

Raja Raja-III (1198-1211 A.D.)
Ananga Bhima (1211-1245 A.D.)
Narasimhadeva-I (1245-1264 A.D.)
Bhanudéva-I (1264-1279 A.D.)
Narasimhadéva-II (1279-1306 A.D.)
Bhanudéva-II (1306-1327 A.D.)
Narasimhadéva-Hil (1327-1353 A.D.)
Вһапийеуа-ПІ [1353-1378 A.D.)
Navasimhadeva-IV (1378-1424 A.D.)
Bhanudéva-IV (1424-1434 A.D.)

134 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

The reign of Narasimhadéva-I is very important since he built the great Sun temple
of Konarka in the true Orissan style during his reign, just as Anantavarma Choda Ganga
built the great temple of Jagannatha, and Ananga Bhima’s daughter Chandradevi that of
Bhuvanesvara. Тһе reigns of Raja Каја-ПІ, Ananga Bhima and Narasimha-I correspond:
roughly to the rule of the slave dynasty of the north (1205-1288 A.D.). Some of the Slave
kings like Qutubuddin, and Balban invaded Bihar, and Bengal but could not come to Orissa
probably on account of the hilly nature of the terrain. A work of ‘Alankara’ called ‘Ekavali’
composed by Vidyadhara who lived in the court of Narasimha-I, gives several references to
the fights with the muslims who are referred to as Hammira, Yavana and Saka. The king
is called ‘Yavanavani Vallabha’ or the Lord of the Yavana kingdom and is said to have
defeated the Hammira of the Amirs of Bengal by taking the offensive himself. Narasimha-I
was a great administrator and an architect, and has a lasting place in the Eastern Ganga
line of kings.

8. NARAHARI TIRTHA

From the lithic records of the later Kalinga kings we learn that a great spiritual
teacher called Narahari Tirtha who was the disciple of Anandatirtha, who in turn was the
disciple of Purushottama Mahatirtha lived in Kalinga Desa from 1186-1215 Saka. Narahari
Tirtha himself would appear to have had a disciple called Jagannatha Tirtha who lived in
1373 A.D. in Kalinga Deta and who preached the Madhva faith there.

The ‘Madhva Vijaya Kavya’ of Narayana pandita and the Narahariyati stotra give the
following facts regarding the life of Narahari Tirtha.

"Narahariyati before he professed the Madhva cult, was known as Syamasastry.
After being initiated by Madhvacharya Pürnapragüa which is another name for Ananda
Tirtha, he was instructed by him to go the Gajapati Emperor of Kalinga and obtain from
him the images of Sitaand Rama. Hence hereached the Kalinga capital and acted as
regent to the boy-king Narasimha-II for 12 years and after re-instating him on the throne
obtained as his reward the images he desired and placed them іп the hands of his Guru.
It is said that Ananda Tirtha and after him, Padmanabha Tirtha and after him, Narahari
Tirtha worshipped these images. Narahari toured throughout the country spreading the
Madhva cult and finally died on the banks of the River Tungabhadra where a Chakra Tirtha
Matham or Monastery was built by him. He was succeeded by Madhva Tirtha. His
Kalinga regency evidently came to an end long before A.D. 1324 when he actually became
the Head of the Monastery and his death took place nine years after it in 1333 A.D.

Several inscriptions relating to this great religious teacher are found in the Simha-
chalam and Srikürmam temples. Commending on the $rikürmam inscription on Narahari
Tirtha the late Sri H. Krishna Sastry has stated as follows.

1. Epigraphia India, Vol. VI, p. 260-268.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE EASTERN GANGAS OF KALINGA 135

‘Purushottama Maha Tirtha compiled Bhashyam. His disciple, Ananda Tirtha who
had the titles of Bhagavatpada (Holy Feet of Vishnu) and Acharya (Teacher) compiled in
accordance with the principles of Dwaita Philosophy a commentary on Vyasa Sutras
according to Dwaitamata Siddhantam. His disciple, Narahari Tirtha was the Governor of
Kalinga and protected it against the invasion of the Sabaras or Savaras. In A.D. 1281, he
got constructed a temple for Yogananda Nrisimha opposite to Srikirmam Temple.’ |

From the above facts it is clear that there has been a large-scale spread of Madhva
faith in Kalinga in the 12th and 13th centuries A.D. From an inscription in Srikurmam
we learn that one Narasimha Maha Muni reached Kalinga in 1230 A.D. and converted the
king and the people to Madhva faith. It is interesting to notice here that the kings who
followed Ananga Bhima-III came to be called after Vaishnavite Gods like Nrisimha and
Bhanu and in fact many temples of Bhanu or Sürya came to be built during this period, like
the famous Sun temple at Arasavalli near Srikakulam, and Konarka in Orissa. This change
is known to have taken place on account of the advent of Narasimha Yati from 1230 A.D.
One Vasudéva Bharati succeeded Narasimha Yati and after him Narahari Tirtha entered
Kalinga and gave various gifts to the temples at Srikarmam and Simhachalam. Several
inscriptions from Srikarmam and Simhachalam make it clear that one Narasimha Bharati
Muni and his disciple Raghava Bharati made several grants to the temples in the later part
of the 14th century. Thus these great teachers would appear to have continued the good
work of Narahari Tirtha in Kalinga country and Narahari Tirtha himself would appear to
have continued and strengthened the work begun by Narasimha Maha Muni. Thus for
nearly a century or a century and half, these various teachers preached the Madhya cult
and converted the princes and the people. Of these the most famous was of course Narahari
Tirtha who lived in the reigns of Narasimha-I, Bhanu-I and Narasimhadeva-II. What Sri
Ramanuja did to South India in the 11th century was done to Kalinga country in 13th and
14th centuries. The work of these Madhvacharyas was continued by Ramananda and Kabir
in the North India in the 14th and 15th centuries and later on by Chaitanya in Bengal and
Orissa in the 16th century.

9. CONCLUSION

The later line of the rulers of the Eatsern Ganga line of kings had to contend against
the Muslim invasion, from the North. Bhanudéva-II had to contend against Ghayasuddin.
Ul-lugh-Khan after having captured Warangal is said to have invaded Jajnagar. The great
Vijayanagar kingdom that sprang up in the South, also led an expedition into Kalinga and
is said to have defeated Bhanudeva-III. The forces of disruption were already evident and
the successive blows dealt to the Ganga line, both by the inroads of the Muslims as well as
by the invasions from the Vijayanagar led to the diminution and the final extinction of this
line of kings. Bhanudéva-IV is the last known ruler of this line of kings who is mentioned

136 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

in the Oriya work Madala Panji, the Sanskrit work ‘Ganga vamsanucharitam’ and the
Muslim works ‘Ain--Akbari’ and ‘Tabagat-I-Nasir’. With him this line of kings ended.
The ‘Madala Panj and the ‘Gangavamsanu charitam’ give their own versions of the
political revolution that took place at the end of the reign of Bhanudéva-IV which led to:
the extinction of this line of kings. The former work state that Bhanudéva was the last king
of the Ganga dynasty, and that as he had no son or brother to succeed him to the throne
he prayed to Lord Jagannatha to nominate a suitable successor. The Lord appeared before
him in a dream and informed him that the king would meet on the following mornin g near
the temple of ‘Vimala’ his heir to the throne in the form of a young boy picking food from
a pot-sherd, and that the king can recognise the heir by the fact that he would run away
when the king approached the boy. The king accordingly went and discovered his heir
who happened to be Kapila, a Rajput of the solar line. After serving as a cow boy of a
Brahmin, he later joined a gang of thieves and was later on leading the life ofa beggar.
Bhanu-IV adopted Kapila as his heir-apparent and on his death Kapila succeeded him and
came to be known as Kapiléndra and Kapilésvara.

The above legendary story is at variance with the other versions given in several
inscriptions. Thus an inscription of Pratapa Gajapati records that Kapilesvara besieged the
capital of Karnata kingdom and took it by force. Under his orders Kumara Hamvira con-
quered the southern country and cleaned in the Southern ocean his sword which was made
red with blood by killing his enemy, the Lord of Utkaladésa. Similarly a Kondavidu copper
plate inscription of Ganadéva describes the power of Kapiléndra and states that his title was
Gaudesvara, which shows that he was the Lord of Gauda Desa or a part of Bengal. It would
thus appear that there was a kind of palace intrigue after the death of Bhanu-IV and that
with him this line of the eastern Gangas of Kalinga came to a close.

The Eastern Gangas are about the only dynasty that have ruled over their tract for
nearly one thousand years in an undivided line. Their history forms a compact part by
itself, and they have contributed greatly to a fusion of the southern and the northern
cultures, not merely in languages and literature, but also in architecture, etc.

CHAPTER XIII

DANTA PLATES OF ANANTAVARMA VAJRAHASTA-III AND
ANANTAVARMA CHODA GANGADEVA OF THE
EASTERN GANGA LINE OF KINGS

These plates were discovered on 26-6-60 in the village of Danta of Tekkali taluq of
Srikakulam district by Sri Bora Ielappa while removing mud from the Inam land belonging
to Chikkala Ramakrishna Rao. Fortunately, they were retrieved in time by the concerned
Tahsildar and were brought to the office of the Collector, Srikakulam. My friend Sri V.
Narayanarao, I. А, S., District Collector and Magistrate, Srikakulam brought them to my
notice, and at my request, the plates were sent to me for examination and study. These
plates have subsequently been acquired under the Treasure-Trove Act and are now exhibited
in the copper plate epigraphy section of the Andhra Pradesh Government Museum at the
Public Gardens at Hyderabad.

The plates are seven in number and measure 20 cms. in length and 7.6 cms. in breadth.
The plates are cut like the top portion of an ellipse and the top and bottom together present
the appearance as if it is a cross-section of a double parabola. The rims of the plates are well
raised, and they are connected by a ring through a hole in the left side of the plates. The
ring is fastened by a seal which contains the usual Lanchanas of the Eeastern Gangas of
Kalinga. The seal is like a flat circular disc. On the upper side of this is fixed an image of
the bull Nandi, in а couchant posture, as if on the top of a pillar. On either side of the
Nandi and cut on the surface of the seal is an elephant goad and a Sankha shell. There is
also the Sun in front of the image of the Nandi and in front of his foreleg is the Moon. By
the side of his left leg is a Linga and behind the Linga is a double umbrella and a Sankha
shell. Behind the Nandi is a double drum and on the left side of it is an umbrella. The
total weight of the plates is 1785 grams and the weight of the ring and the seal alone come
to 692 grams.

The plates are inscribed on all the sides excluding the first side of the first plate and
the last side of the last plate. In addition the seventh plate is completely blank with no
inscription at all. The writing is fairly well preserved. There are in all 80 lines of writing
distributed equally into 8 lines on each side, except on the second side of the third plate
and the first side of the sixth plate which have 9 and 7 lines of writing respectively.

138 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

The language of the plates is sanskrit except for the name of the village. The
alphabet employed belongs to the old Nagari type and the characters are exactly like
those used in the other plates of this line of kings like the Korni plates of Anantavarma
Choda Gangadeva* от the Nadagam plates of king Vajrahasta?. As regards the orthography.
of the grant the usual peculiarities which are noticed in similar plates of this line of kings
exist in this plate also. The language is Sanskrit and in the Prasasti some verses are also
employed. There is only one imprecatory verse at the end in the Anushtup metre.

The plate starts with the usual Prasasti of the Eastern Gangas of Kalinga. In the
first ten lines of writing the Prasasti is given and it ends with the statement that the son of
Guna Maharnava Maharaja was ruling the earth. He is said to have been born in the race of the
Gangas. This race is described as being famous in the entire universe for its sympathy
cleanliness, valour, heroism etc. The kings are said to belong to the Atréya Gotra and the

dirt of the Kali Kala is said to have been washed away by the good waters of good conduct
of these kings. They are also said to have obtained the Eka Sankha or the conch shell, the
Bheri or the drum, the Pancha Maha Sabdas or the five Maha Sabdas, the Dhavala Chatra or
the white umbrella, the Hema Chamara or the golden Chamara, and an excellent Bull crest
or Vara Vrishabha Lanchana, through the grace of Lord Gokarna Swamy who has the Moon
in his hair, who is established in the top of the Mahéndrachala or the Mahéndra mountains,
and who is, as it were, the only Director or the Eka Sütradhari for the creation of the entire
universe. The kings are further described as possessing arms or Bhuja Dandas which are
being embraced by the Vijaya Lakshmi in several fields of battle. The kings arestated to have
captured the entire universe, even as Lord Vishnu, and are described as Trikalingadhipati
or ruling over the Trikalinga area. In such a family was the son of Guna Maharnava born.

The grant then goes on to describe in a verse in the Sardülavikridita metre that after
the son of Guna Maharnava Maharaja, king Vajrahasta ruled the universe for 44 years and
that he, by the valour of his own arms, united under a single banner, the earth which had
been divided into five parts by the previous kings.

After Vajrahasta, the grant describes, that hisson Gundama Raja ruled for three
years and that Gundama's younger brother Kamarnavadeva then ruled for 35 years. After
him his younger brother Vijayaditya is said to have ruled for three years. Then Va jrahasta,
who was the son of Kamarnava and who was the very Kalpa Bhüruha or the Kalpaka tree
for the universe came to the throne. Next comes a description of this son of Kamarnava
who is known as Sri Aniyanka Bhima Vajrahasta.

In a verse in the Sardülavikridita metre it is stated that Sri Aniyanka Bhima М ripati
who was the most exalted king of the Ganga line ruled for 35 years being praised by all the

1. J. A. H. R. S. Vol. I page 108.
2. Epigraphia Indica Vol. IV

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE EASTERN GANGAS OF KALINGA 139

other kings. Heis said to have given as a present for applicants a thousand elephants
whose fore-heads were being surrounded by bees which had flocked there on account of the
desire created in them by the smell of the Mada Jala which was oozing out.

After this Aniyanka Bhima Vajrahasta the grant describes in a verse in the
Vamsastha metre that his first son Kamarnava Bhüpati ruled for halfa year. King Kamarnava
is described as being equivalent to the son of Sura Raja or Indra and to have pacified the
enemy kings by his valour. After him in a verse in Malini metre it is stated that
Kamarnava’s brother Gundama who is compared in the verse as equivalent to Chitta Janma or
Manmatha ruled the universe for a period of three years, After Gundama the grant states in
a verse in Anushtup metre that his Dvaimatura or maternal half brother, Madhu Kamarnava
ruled for a period of 19 years.

In averse in Arya metre, it is then mentioned that from Kamarnava who was the first
son of Vajrahasta was born ason by name Sri Vajrahasta. His mother is stated to be
Vinayamahàdevi of the Vaidumba family. The present grant is by this Vajrahasta, who is the
same as Anantavarma Vajrahasta-lll.

From a description of the above Prasasti we get the following genealogy of kings.

Gunamahárnava's son

|
Md (44 years)

| | |
Gundama, (3 years) Kamarnava (35 years) Vijayaditya (3 years)
| Aniyanka Bhima Vajrahasta-I1
|

[eT Mae लय |
Kamarnava, (half brother) Gundama, (8 years) Madhukamarnava, (19 years)
Anantavarma Vajrahasta-111

The grant then gives the actual date of coronation of Anantavarma Vajrahasta-1II.
In a verse the details of the date of coronation are given as follows:
(a) Saka year was Viyat Rutu Nidhi or 960, corresponding to 1038 A.D.
(b) The Sun was in Vrishabha.
(c) The Nakshatra was Rohini.
(d) The Lagna was Dhanush.
(e) The Paksha was the Sita Paksha or the bright fortnight.
(f) The week day was Saryavara or Sunday and
(g) The Tithi was Tritiya.
On such a date the king Vajrahasta was coronated so that he may protect the entire
universe.

140 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

The grant next describes in three verses the greatness of Vajrahasta-III and
how the kingdom fared under him. In the first verse it is stated that when the king
Vajrahasta, who was the Mahita Pratapa was ruling the universe with equal attention to
justice as well as the Trivarga Marga or the Dharma, the Artha and the Kama, the people
were prosperous and happy and were living without any diseases, without any sins and
without any dangers. In the next verse, the grant describes that when this king’s or
Vajrahasta’s glory spread in all the cardinal directions, the glory being as white as the
moon and the lightning etc. the drivers of the elephants of the cardinal directions had to
apply again and again the Sindhüra paste to the foreheads of their elephants, the idea
being that the fame of the king was so white that when it spread in all the cardinal
directions the Sindhira paste which is normally red in colour became invisible on the fore
heads of the Diggajas or the elephants of the cardinal directions, and hence the drivers or
Athoranas were forced to apply again and again the Sindhara paste. In the next verse it
is stated that both Sarasvati and Sri or Lakshmi were favouring the king during his rule.

The details of the grant are then mentioned in the plate. The king Vajrahasta
mentioned above is described as Parama Mahesvara, Parama Bhattaraka, Maha Rajadhi
Raja and Trikalingadhipati. This king Sri Anantavarma Vajrahasta issued the grant from
Kalinganagara. He called for an assembly of all the ministers, the well-known public men
etc. and gave the grant.

The grant is of the village ‘Dantaka’ in the ‘Koluvartani Vishaya’ along with the
hamlet ‘Hari Vattaka’. The grant was made along with the Grasi, and was given with all-
its four boundaries unaffected, and with all the land and water contained in it, and being
exempted from all taxes so that it may stand as long as the moon the sun and the earth
stood. The grant was made for the merit and the glory of the king and his father and
mother. It was given in the year ‘Kara Vasu Nidhi’ or 982 Saka or 1060 A.D. on Suddha
Dvadasi day on а Somavara or Monday.

The grant was given by the king to one Kamarnava who had fought valiantly in many
a battle field and thereby pleased the King. The phrase used is ‘Adhika Ahava Mukha
Krita Klesasya’. Kamarnava the grantee is stated to belong to Atréya Gotra. His genealogy
is as follows: In the Gamga Vasma, Sri Vajrahastadeva and his wife Vijjamarani, gave birth
to Chintanipu Кататауа. This Chintanipu Kamarnava was a resident of Satottaravalli
village in the Samva Vishaya. His wife was ‘Polipolipa’ and to them was born the grantee
Катағпауа. The genealogy of the grantee would thus be as follows:

GANGAVAMSA AND ATREY A GOTRA
Sri Vajrahasta Deva (Married Vijjamarani)
Chintanipu Kamarnava (Married Polipolipa)
(Resident of Satottaravalli village of Samva Vishaya)
Kamarnava the grantee.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE EASTERN GANGAS OF KALINGA 141

The grant closes with the usual imprecatory verses.

The grant does not stop here, but proceeds further and records another grant of
another village by name Villavatta along with this village of Dantaka by Sri Anantavarma
Choda Gangadeva, the grand-son of Vajrahasta-1II. It would thus appear that the grant of
this village Dantaka which was made by Vajrahasta-III was probably continued and
confirmed by his grandson Anantavarma Choda Gangadeva along with another village or
hamlet called ‘Villavatta’.

The grant states that after Sri Vajrahastadéva referring obviously to Vajrahasta-III
the grantor hitherto described, came Sri Raja Rajadéva to the throne. After Raja Rajadéva
came Sri Anantavarma Maharaja Choda Gangadeva. This Anantavarma Choda Ganga called
once again an assembly of the ministers and well-known public men and granted the village
Villavata in the *Koluvartani' Vishaya with its four boundaries unaffected, with the water
and the land in tact and being rid of all the taxes so that it may stand for such time as the
Sun, the Moon and the Earth stood, for the glory of himself, his mother and father. This
second grant was made in the Saka year ‘Muni Gagana Viyat Chandra’ or Saka 1007
corresponding to 1085 A.D. in the Vaisakha Masa and a Sukla Tritiya day.

The grantees are said to be two persons, Chintanipu Kamarnava and Kari Kamarnava
who had distinguished themselves in several battle fields and thereby pleased the king. The
grantees Chintanipu Kamarnava and Kari Kamarnava are described as the sons of Kamarnava
and his wife Chandrama, who is a resident of the Satottaravalli village of Samva vishaya.
The genealogy of the grants is as per the second grant of Anantavarma Choda Gangadeva
as follows :

Chintanipu Kamarnava

(resident of Satottaravalli village
of Samva Vishaya)

Kamarnava (Married Chandrama)

Chintainpu Kamarnava Kari Prena

It is thus clear that the two grantees of Anantavarma Choda Gangadéva viz. Chinta-
nipu Kamarnava and Kari Kamarnava are the twosons of Kamarnava the Grantee of
Vajrahasta-III described earlier in the grant.

The grant then describes the Simalingani or the boundaries of the Dantaka Grama
along with the Harivatta and the Villavatta. It is thus clear that this is a double grant the
first grant being given by the Vajrahasta-III of the village of Dantaka and the second grant
being of the village Villavata along with the Dantaka by Anantavarma Choda Gangadeva to
the sons of his grandfather’s grantee.

The question of the date of Vajrahasta-III arises in this connection. This problem

142 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

has been tackled by me elsewhere also. Many details are given to calculate correctly the
date of coronation of Vajrahasta-III in a verse as follows :

raged निधि संख्यां याति शाकाब्द संघे दिनकृति ача रोहिणीमे gest धनुषि च aad |
सूर्यवारे तृतीया युजि सकलधरित्रीं रक्षितुं योऽभिषिक्तः |

The year is ‘Viyad Rutu Nidhi’ or 960 Saka or 1038 A.D. The astronomical data
given are as follows:
(a) The Sun was in the zodiacal sign of Vrishabha.
(b) The Moon was in the constellation of Rohini.
(c) The fortnight was a bright fortnight.
(d) The zodiacal sign of Dhanus was rising on that date. `
(e) The date of the week was a Sunday.
(f) It was the third Tithi.

Hitherto the date has been calculated as 3rd May, 8.27 p.m. 1038 A.D. But 3rd May,
1030 A.D. does not correspond to a Sunday but happens to be a Wednesday and the Nakshatra
also on that day was Révati and not Rohini.

With so much of accurate information given, it seemed inconceivable, that we
should not be in a position to arrive at the date of coronation of Vajrahasta-III accurately.
Since however, we are not able to arrive ata single date which will satisfy all the six ingredi.
ents given above it was obvious that one of them must bea mistake. On examining the
details given closely it is found that the three ingredients viz.

(a) Sun being in zodiacal sign of Vrishabha

(b) The Moon being in the constellation of Rohini.

(c) The Tithi being Sukla Tritiya
cannot occur simultaneously. The simultaneous occurrence of these three ingredients is
an astronomical impossibility for the following reason.

When the Sun is at Vrishabha Rasi, it must have covered up Mésha Rasi and even
assuming that the Sun was just entering the Vrishabha Rasi,even then, the Sun must be at
least 30° long from the Mésha Sankranti as each Rasi has 30°, and the Sun must have
travelled a minimum of 30° to cover completely Mésha Rasi to enter Vrisahbharasi. Hence
the Sun must have travelled a minimum distance of 30°. The Tithi given is Tritiya of the
bright fortnight and hence the moon must have been travelled away from the Sun atleast 24*
at the rate of 12° for each Tithi. Since the Tithi is up to the ending moment of Dvitiya
Tithi, the moon must have travelled at least 24°. Thus the distance of the Moon from
Mesha must be at least 54° i.e, 30° plus 24%. Rohini is the fourth Nakshatra from Asvini and
even up to the end of Rohini the distance of the moon cannot be more than 531° at the rate
of 133° for each Nakshatra. Since the Moon must have travelled as a minimum 54° from

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE EASTERN GANGAS OF KALINGA 143

Mésha and since Rohini ends at 533^ itis obvious that the Rohini Nakshatra given in the
grant must have ended and Mrigasira should have started. Hence the Rohini Nakshatra
given in the grant must be wrong, if the Vrishabharasi of the Sun is to be taken as correct,
and conversely if we accept the Rohini Nakshatra as correct then the Sun's Rasi would be
Masha and not Vrishabha. Thus one of the two factors, the Vrishabha Rasi of the Sun and
the Rohini Nakshatra of the Moon must be wrong if the Tithi is to be Tritiya as given in the
grant.

The week day is given to be a Sunday and hence working on this date it is seen that
9th April, 1038 A.D. satisfies all the other ingredients. The week day on 9th April, 1038
A.D. wasa Sunday. It was a Tritiya Tithi in the Sukla Paksha and the Nakshatra was
Rohini. Only the Rasi was Mésha and not Vrishabha. As already stated above, the simul-
taneous occurrence of Vrishabha Rasi and Rohini Nakshatra in a Tritiya Tithi being ап
astronomical impossibility and since 9th April, 1038 A.D. satisfies all the other ingredients
we have to accept that date as the correct date of coronation of the Vajrahasta-III and
come to the conclusion that the Vrishabha Rasi mentioned in the grant might be a mistake
for Mésha Rasi.

There is another important evidence to support this conclusion. The date and the
details of the coronation are given in a verse in the Malini metre. The phrase used to des-
cribe the Rasi is ‘Dinakrithi Vrishabhasthe’. If the Vrishabha is a mistake for Mésha then the
above phrase will have to be changed without altering the metre. In this connection it may
be noted that the generally accepted term for ‘Mésha Rasi' is ‘Vishuvath’ and hence if the
verse should be read as ‘Dinakrithi Vishuvasthe’ instead of 'Dinakrithi Vrishabhasthé as it
exists, the entire problem will be solved and the metre will also be left unaffected. It would
therefore appear that the original intention would have been to compose the verse as
‘Dinakrithi Vishuvasthe’ only, but later the mistake about 'Vrishabhaste must have
crept in and must have been copied in all the grants since the writer could not have been
very well familiar with astronomical factors. We can therefore accept 9th April, 1038 A.D.
as the date of coronation of king Vajrahasta-III, Working backwards from the date of
Va jrahasta-1II, we get the following genealogy and chronology of the kings.

144 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

Son of Gunamaharnava Maharaja

|
Vajrahasta-I (894-938 A.D.
|
Gundama Kamarnava Vijayaditya
(938-941A.D.) (941-976 A.D.) (976-979 A.D.)

Aniyanka Bhima
Vajrahasta-1I
(979-1014. A.D.)

—— - — ——À —

|
Kamarnava న్‌ MP Madhukamarnava
Half year (1015-1018 A.D.) (1018-1037 A.D.)
(1014-1015)

Anatavarma Vajrahasta-III
(Date of coronation 9-4-1038.)
(1038-1071 A.D.)

The date of the grant is 982 Saka or 1060 A.D. and falls well within the reign of
this king. The other two details about the date of the grant are that it was a Sukla Dvadasi
and the week day was Somavara or Monday. The grant therefore could have been given on
9th October corresponding to Sukla Dvadasi of the Mina Masa of the Solar reckoning.
The date of the grant should therefore be this. The grantee is said to be Kamarnava son
of Chintanipu Kamarnava and ‘Polipolipa’. The Chintanipu Kamarnava is said to be a resident
of Satottaravalli village of Samva Vishaya. It is clear from the names as well as the reason
of the grant viz. that the king was pleased with the grantees who fought valiantly in several
battles that the grant was given to a family of important officials or generals.

*Samva Vishya' mentioned here is known to us from the Visakhapatnam copper plate
grant of Anantavarma Choda Gangadéva' edited by Dr. Fleet. There the name of the village
was Chakivada in the Samva Vishaya. The Koluvartani Vishaya in which the village
Dantaka was situated is a fairly well known territorial division and corresponds to ‘Srika-
kulam’ and Tekkali talugs of Srikakulam district.

The village Dantaka which was granted along with the Harivattika earlier by Vajra-
hasta-1II was later granted again by his grandson Anantavarma Choda Gangadéva along with
another village or hamlet by name Villavata to the two sons of the grantee of Vajrahasta-111
viz. Chitanipu Kamarnava and Karikamirnava. This second grant was made in the year
‘Muni Gagana Viyat Chandra’ or 1007 Saka corresponding to 1085 A.D. in the Vaisakha
Masa and Sukla Tritiya. 1085 A.D. clearly falls within the reign of the Anantavarma Choda

1. Indian Antiquary Vol. XVIII p. 165.

(19) INSCRIPTIONS OF THE EASTERN GANGAS OF KALINGA 145

Gangadeva who came to the throne round about 1077 A.D. The Visakha Masa Sukla Tritiya
falls on Monday 31st March 1085 A.D.

The village was said to have been given with a hamlet and being made Grasi or Grasi
'Krithva. Їп ancient days, when a village was given as Agrahara to Brahmins, it was the
custom to grant a hamlet also to it, so that the ryots who cultivated that land might live in
it. Agraharams were given either as Eka Bhoga or Bahu Bhoga, and in any case, no опе
except a Brahmin could live in an Agraharam. As Brahmins were engaged in the Védas,
they could not cultivate the land and had to employ ryots for it. These ryots lived ina
hamlet and generally when an Agraharam was given, it was given with a hamlet for the ryots
who lived on that land to live in. This was called a ‘Pandi’ or ‘Gramatika’'. The expres-
sion Grasi Krithva mentioned in the grant refers to this.

The grant ends with a description of the ‘Simalingani’ or the boundaries of the
Danta village, along with the Harivatta and Villavatta. The boundaries are as follows:

1. To the east is a Rapa Garttha (A Garttha probably stands for the Telugu equiva-
lent of Gunta and means probably a crevice or a hole.)

2. To the south-east or ‘Agnéyatah’ is an elevated stone described as ‘Aropita Sila’
along with a Rajana Vriksha in а Triküta. (Trikata probably means а place where three
boundaries meet. Near this is a Vanarajaka with a Valmika or an ant-hill.

3. То ће South is an ‘Aropita Sila’ or an elevated stone with two ‘Tintrinikas’ or
Tamarind trees. Near this is another “Ағорйа Sila’.

4. To the South-west is a row of stones called ‘Sila Pankti'. Near this is an elevated
stone on the top of a Valmika along with a Rajana tree. Near this in a Trikifa is an
Aropita Sila’ along with a ‘Kapittha Vriksha’ or a ‘Velaga tree’ on the top of a Valmika or
an ant-hill.

5. To the West is a row of of ‘Tintrinikas’ or Tamarind trees. Near this isa Vana-
ra jika and near this is a Karaparvatika. Near this is a Hasti sila and four Aropita silas follow
this, after which is the middle of a ‘Vapidwaya’ or two wells. (Vapi dwayamadhyam.)

6. To the North-west is a Bhimasitta near а Trikata, behind which is a bent Tintrini
tree or a ‘Kubja Tintrinika in the middle of two Valmikas, a Soma Vriksha, atop of a hill
or Parvata Sikhara, a Parvatha Mala or a string of hills and a Dhananjaya Sila.

7. To the North is an Asurapali, behind which is an Aropita Sila.

8. To the North-east is a Garttha or a Сита in а Trikufa near which is an
Aropita Sila.

The grant ends with the same imprecatory verse as was given at the end of the grant
by Vajrahasta-III.

1. Andhra Patrika, Ugadi Sanchika, 1926, మన (ప్రాచీన విద్యాసంస్థలు by Sri M. Somasekhara Sarma.

146 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

The grant goes on to state that the copper plate grant was written by one Damodara
who was the son of Mavuraya who is described as Maha Kayastha and Sandhi Vigrahi. This
Damodara son of Mavuraya is well-known to us from the other grants of these kings and is
the same as is found in the Korni copper plate of Anantavarma Choda Gangadeva. The
actual writing was said to be executed by Vaddi son of Valimozu who is described as Maha
Akshasali, or the inscriber of documents. This Valimozuis also known to us from the other
grants of these kings. The term Maha Kayastha means an accountant and the term Maha
Akshasali means an inscriber of documents. It would appear that since the present grant
was inscribed by Vaddi son of Valimozu and since Valimozu was known as the Akshasali for
the same line of kings form the other grants these officers were hereditary in their character
and held office from father to son.

This grant is an important one since it records the double grant both by Vajrahasta-III
and by his grandson Anantavarma Choda Gangadéva. The grantee is not a Brahmin as is
usual in these grants, but a chieftain probably related to the royal family, and with whom
the king was well pleased for the various deeds of valour done by him in a number of
battle fields. The first grantee’s sons themselves are the second grantees and it would
appear that the grantee's family was a loyal опе serving the kings from generation to
generation. Though the names of the grantees like Vajrahasta, Kamarnava etc. would
appear to have some kind of connection with the royal names, still it is more probable to
conclude that they were either a family of warriors or important officials of the kings who
probably bore the names of the royal family. It is also possible that they might have been
related to the royal family іп а collateral line beginning from Madhu Kamarnava who
actually ruled the kingdom.

"WW AD „9

TEXT AND PLATES
OF
EASTERN GANGAS OF KALINGA

148

COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

FIRST PLATE

ओं [॥] аба श्रीमतामखिळभुवनविनुतनयविनयदयादानदा क्षिण्यस
त्यशो चशोर्य्यधेर्या दिगुणरक्षपवित्रकाणामात्रेयगोत्राणां वि
मळविचाराचारपुण्यसलिरप्रक्षारितिकलिका रकल्मषमषीणां ఇ
हामहेन्द्राचलशिखरपतिष्ठितस्य चराचरगुरोः सकलभुव
५, ननिम्मणिंकसूत्रधारस्य शशांकचूडामणेर्भगवतो गोकर्णखा
६. fa: प्रसादात्समासादितैकझखमेरीपंचमहाशच्दधवरूच्छत्रहे

मचामरवरवृषमलांछनसमुञ्वरसमस्तसाम्राज्यमहि्नामनेक |
с. समरसंघट्टसमुपलब्धविजयलक्ष्मीसमा लिंगितोत्तृंगभुजदंण्डम

© AU A e

SECOND PLATE: FIRST SIDE

*.. ण्डितानां त्रिकलिड्रमहीभुजां गंगानामन्वयमलंक रिष्णो विष्णो

१,७. रिव विक्रमाक्रान्तधरामण्डलस्य,गुणमहार्णव महाराजस्य qa: |

११. पूर्व भूपतिभिविभज्य वसुधा पञ्चमिः पञ्चधा भुक्ता भूरिपरा
१२. क्रमो भुजबलात्तामेक एव खयं ushaq विजित्य aa’ निवह()न्‌ श्री
१२. वज्रहस्तश्चतुश्चत्वारर्रिशतमत्युदारचरितः सर्वामरक्षी

$9. समा? (1) तस्य तनयो गुण्डगराजा वर्षत्रयमपाळयत्‌ ఇల్‌ | तदनु

१५, जः कामार्ण्णदेवः पञ्न्चत्रिंशतमब्दकान्‌ | तस्यानुजो विनया दित्यस्समा
१६. ае: । ततः कामार्णवाळातो जगतीकस्पभूरुहः यो राजद्राजित

i, Read as qur
2. Read as त्समाः

DANTA PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA-III AND ANANTAVARM A CHODA GANGADEVA

First Plate : Second Side

10

12

14

16

— 4$ NX
Vr, `

Plate IX (b)
GANGADEVA

१७.
१८,
is.
२०,
२१.
२२.
२३.
२४.

२५.
२६.
<<.
२९,
30.
३१.
३२.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE EASTERN GANGAS OF KALINGA 149

SECOND PLATE: SECOND SIDE

च्छायो वञ्रहस्तोवनीपतिः (2) Aa] न्मदगन्धलुब्धमधुपव्याली

ढगण्डान्गजानथिम्य: समदात्सहखमतुलो यस्तागिनामग्र

णी [:] सः श्रीमाननियंकभीमनृपति [:] गंगान्वयोत्तंसक: 1
त्रिंशतमब्दकान्समभुनविभरथ्वी स्तुतः पा्थिवेः (33 |
` qamqa: सुरराजसू नुना समस्समस्तां स*मिता .

रिमण्डळ: स्म पाति का(मा)णेवमूपतिर्भुबं समृद्धिमानर्धस.. .

मां समुज्वल: (4) तदनुतदनुजन्मा (चित्तजन्मो)पमानो गुणनिधिरनवद्यो. गु

ण्डमार्यो महीशः सकलमिदमरक्षल्रीणि वर्षाणिः धान्नीवलय ,

THIRD PLATE: FIRST SIDE
मलघुतेजा чат): (5) ततो द्वेमातुरस्तस्य मधुकामार्णवो
नृपः | अवति स्मावनीमेतामब्दानेकान्नविंशतिः (6) अथ वज्रहस्त
नपतेरम्रसुतादखिरगुणिजनाग्र(ग)ण्य (:) कामार्णवात्कवीन्द्रप्रगीय
मानावदातशुभकीतिः (7) श्रिय इव वैदुम्बान्वयपयःप
यो निधिसमुद्भवायाश्च यः समजनि विनयमहादेऽ्याः श्री
वज्रहस्त इति तनयः (8) वियहतुनिधिसंख्यां याति शाकान्दसंघे.
दिनकृति aaa रोहिणीमे чен धनुषि च सितपक्षे. सूर्थवारे
'तृतीयाथुजि सकल्धरित्री रक्षितुं योभिषिक्तः- (9) न्यायेन यत्र

3. Read as प्रश्‍च्योत

. Read शामिता

Inserted at the botton of the beginning of the- line.. Probably mistake was realised after. the entire grant
was inscribed.

. Read वृषभस्थे

150 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

THIRD PEATE i. -SECOND SIDE
ia. संममांचरितु तिब मर्गिण रक्षति महीं महितप्रतापें aa नि
३४. रघाश्च निरापदश्च gasii भुवि भवन्ति Ваа: (10) व्यापते गंगकुछोत्त
м, пе यशसा दिक्वक्रवाले शंशिप्रद्योताम ая. यस्य .भृूवन(:) प्रहादसम्पा
३६. दिनाः सेन्दूरॅरतिसान्द्रपंकपटळं कुम्धस्थलीपद्टकेष्वा लिम्पन्ति
३७. पुनः पुनश्च हरितामाधोरणावारणान्‌ः (11) अनुरागेण
ac. गुणिनो ` यस्य वक्षोमुखान्जयोः आशी'ने श्रीसरंखत्यावनु
३७. ` कूले विराजतः (12) бунт нити нна
20. महांराजाधिराज़त्रिकलिड्राधिपति, श्रीमदनन्तवमा वञ्रहस्तदेवः कु
99, शलीसमस्तामात्यप्रमुख जनपदान्संमाहूय समाज्ञापयति विदितमस्तु

FOURTH PLATE: FIRST SIDE
४२; भवतां p कोडवर्तनिविषये दन्तकाख्यः आमः हरिवाइकेनस्सहआम
зз. lea चतुस्सीमावच्छिन्नस्सजर स्थलसवेपीडा विवजितमाचन्दा
929. क्कक्षितिसमकारं यावन्माता पिन्रोरात्त्मनश्व पुण्ययंशोभिवृद्धये
9५५. करवसुनिधिगणिते शाकाव्दे атса (at) सोमवारे आ.
४६५. त्रेयगोत्रस्य गंग वंशोद्भव श्रीवजहस्तदेवस्य भार्या बिज्ञमरा '
жә, "णी. तस्य पुत्र: [विन्तनिपु] कामार्णव. संवाविषय शतोःतरव छिम्राम
ge. निवासी तस्व-भार्या .पोलिपिपाख्या तयोः पुत्राय कामाणबा
$e, ` याधिकाहवसुखंृतङ्केशाय संतुटेरस्माभिः Sere ता

7. Read [Яй 8. ‘Read 'आसाने,

Plate IX (c)

DANTA PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA-III AND ANANTAVARMA CHODA GANGADEVA
Third Plate: Second Side

à EXE a

s

One view of the seal

€

Plate IX (d)

DANTA PLATES OF

VAJRAHASTA-III AND ANANTAVARMA CHODA GANGADEVA

Fourth Plate: Second Side

5 PES!
М

E
1,4 2

66 ey t

I ДА ad 5
а.с,

52
54

First Side

ifth Plate:

F

A front view of the seal

uo 2
E ? Е
AR
५३.
җ© Е
५५.
wS.

2 .

чс.
५९.
50,
5%.
55.
६३.
5%.
६७,

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE BASTERN GANGAS OF KALINGA

FOURTH PEATE: SECOND SIDE
अशासनं. жет. दत्त इति.॥ `ˆ; माभूत्पलितब्रासंको? TA
qrfepr: | खदत्तात्फलमानन्यं'? परदत्तानुपालने-॥ . ततः श्रींव
जरहस्तदेवस्य पुत्रः श्रीराजराजदेवसस्यपुत्र: श्रीमदनन्तवमे
महाराजश्चोडगंगदेवः कुशली समस्तामात्यप्रमुख
जनपदान्समाहूय. समाज्ञापयति विदितमस्तु.भवतां ॥ sm
लवत्तेनि विषये विल्वाडाख्यग्रामचतुस्सीमावच्छिन्नस्सनलखलस्स
व्वैपीडा विवजितमाचन्द्रक्षितिसमकाळं यावन्माता पित्रोरात्मन
श्व पुण्ययशो भिवृद्धये मुनिगगनवियन्नन्द्रगणिते शाकाढ्दे

` FIFTH PLATE: FIRST SIDE

वैशाखमासे शुक्कतृतीयायाः । _ संवाविषय शतोत्तरवलिनिवा .

सि चिन्तनिपु[कामार्णव] पुत्रः कामार्णवः तस्य मांर्याचन्द्रमा

छ्या तयोः पुत्राभ्यां चिन्तनिपुकामार्णव करिकामार्णवाम्या, म.
नेकाहवसुखकृतक्लेशाभ्यां प्रसन्नैरस्मा भिर्दन्तकम्रामे .

ण ग्रामग्रासीकृत्वा ताम्रशासनेन दत्त इति दन्तक ЯТ

ed हरिवाट विछवाटाम्यां सहितस्य सीमालिङ्गानि लिख्यन्ते

पूर्वतः रूपागर्ता । जाग्नेयतः त्रिकूटे राजणबृक्लेण सह эп.

रोपित शिळा । परतः वाल्मीकसहितवनरोजिका. | - दक्षिणतः ति

9. Read as मा भूत्फलितसाशंको
10. Read as स्वदत्तात्फलमानन्त्यं

151

152 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

FIFTH PLATE: SECOND SIDE
55. त्रिणीकयुगलेन. सह आरोपितशिला | परतः आरोपितशिला
६७. Heat शिछापैक्तिः परतः वल्मीकोपरि राजणवृक्षेण सह
६८, -आरोपितशिरा | . परतः त्रिकूटे बरमीकोपरिः «ға (er) 494 स
६९, & आरोपित शिला | पश्चिमतः तित्रिणीक df: | परतः
७०, वनंराजिका परतः करपर्व्यतिका:। . ततः.हृस्ित्रिळा ततः
७१. आरोपितशिका। तत आरोपितशिछाः। तत आरोपित शिला
७२. तत आरोपित शिला: |. ततः वापीद्वयमध्य । - वायव्यां दिशि.
93. त्रिकूटे भीमसित्तः | ततः कुब्जतिन्त्रिणीकः । ततः वार्मीकद्रयं.

SIXTH PLATE:
ev. मध्ये तिन्त्रिणीकः । . ततः च्छवुडसोमवृक्षः |. ततः पस्वेते शिखरं ।
७५, ततः पव्वेतमाला | तत; धनंजयशिछा । _ उत्तरतः असुरपालि: |
७६. परतः आरोपितशिला | ईशान्यां दिशि त्रिकूटे गर्त्ता समी
७७, पे आरोपितशिला ॥ मा भूत्पलितवाशंको!! परदत्तेति पा
७८. चिवः खद॒त्तायल्मानन्तय 2 परदत्तानुपालने | महाका
७९; up सन्धिविग्रहि area सू नुना दामोदरेण लिखि `
८५; 241 महाक्षसलि वलिमोजुसुत वदिनोत्कीर्णं a

11. Readas मा भूत्फलितसाशंको
12. Read as स्वदत्तास्फल्मानन्त्ये

|9 92 7WAY $

DANTA PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA-II AND ANANTAVARMA CHODA GANGADEVA

Fifth Plate: Second Side

CHAPTER XIV

THE MATURA GRANT OF
KING DEVENDRAVARMA RAJARAJA DEVA OF THE
EASTERN GANGAS OF KALINGA

These plates were discovered in Niddam village of Chipurupalli taluq of Srikakulam
district by aryot while ploughing his fields. These were retrieved in time and have now
been acquired for the Hyderabad Museum. They are now displayed in the Copper plate
epigraphy section of the Government Archaeological Museum at the Public Garden
Hyderabad.

The plates are five in number, and contain writing on all the plates except the first side
of the first plate and the last side of the last plate. On the inner side of the last plate there
are only three lines of writing. The plates are 22.4 cms. in length and 9 cms. in breadth.
The plates and seal and ring weigh 1550 gms. and 870 gms. respectively. There arein all
56 lines of writing distributed as follows :

) First plate second side 7 lines
Second plate first side 8 lines
Second plate second side 8 lines
Third plate first side 7 lines
Third plate second side 8 lines
Fourth plate first side 7 lines
Fourth plate second side 8 lines
Fifth plate first side 3 lines

——

Total 56 lines
These plates were issued by king Dévendravarma Raja Raja Deva of the medieval line
of the Eastern Gangas of Kalinga. The script is the medieval Nagari script which is
peculiar to the three Eastern Ganga kings viz. Vajrahasta-III, Dévéndravarma Raja Rajadéva
and Ananatvarma Choda Gangadéva. The language used is Sanskrit throughout.

154 COPPER PLATE INCSRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

The ‘Prasasti’, as is usual with the ‘Prasasti of this line of kings, is identical in all
details. Up to the last line of the 3rd plate, the Prasasti agrees word by word with the
_ Prasasti of king Va jrahasta-III whose Danta plates are published elsewhere in this volume.

After describing the date of coronation of king Vajrahasta-III which has been dealt ,
With by me in the Danta plates, the present plate goes on to devote two verses in praise of
Dévendrayarma Raja Raja Deva. These two verses come after a verse where the total number
of years of Va jrahasta-III are given and are also identical word by word with the Prasasti
of this king published elsewhere by me.' This verse describes that king Vajrahasta-III,
the father of king Devendravarma Raja Raja Deva ruled for a total period of 33 years.
This tallies with the information given in the other grants of this king. The grant then
goes on to say that to this king Vajrahasta-III and to queen Anangamahadévi was born
а son even as Karfikeya was born to Lord Hara and Gowri. In the next verse the king is
described in Kramalankara as giving peace or ‘Santi’ to all respectable persons or ‘Manis’,
unbounded happiness or ‘Moda’, to virtuous persons or ‘Ganis’, and terror or ‘Bhaya’ to
evil minded persons or ‘Duratmas’.

In the next verse the date of coronation of king Dévéndravarma Raja Rajadéva is
given. The king is said to have been crowned in Saka year ‘Nayana abjagarbha nidhi’,
‘Jyéshtha Ashtami’ day, during ‘Simhalagna’ ‘Uttara Phalguni Nakshatra’ and on a Thursday
in the bright fortnight. The year ‘Nayana abjagarbha nidh? stands for 992 Saka or 1070
A.D. The other details given are the bright fortnight or Sukla Paksha, Ashtami tithi, Jyeshtha
Uttara Phalguni Nakshatra and the week day being a Thursday. 20th of May, 1070 A.D.
corresponds completely with all the above details. The day of the week was a Thursday
and Purva Phalguni Nakshatra ending moment on that date was 11.20 and hence the Uttara
Phalguni had come on that day. On this day at the Simhalagna the king was crowned and
hence the date of coronation of king Dévéndravarma Raja Raja Deva can accurately be
given as 20th May, 1070 A.D.

The grant goes on to describe that this king issued the present grant from Kalinga-
nagara. The king is described with the usual Birudas as ‘Parama Mahesvara’, ‘Parama

Bhattaraka’, ‘Mahara jadhiraja’ and 'Trikalingadhipati. He is said to have convened a, :

meeting of all the ministers, the prominent local men etc. and made known to them the
purpose of the grant. The grant was of a village ‘Matura’ in the ‘Samya’ Vishaya, and the
grant was given with all the boundaries unaffected, with all the rights of the water and land,
and with all taxes being completely exempted, so that it may stand permanently, till such
time as the Sun, the Moon and the Earth stood in the world. The grant was made for the
merit and glory of the king’s mother, father and himself. The grant was made in the Saka

1. Galavalli copper plate grant of Devendravarma Raja Raja, Page 171 of Journal of Andhra Historical
Research Society, Vol. XX.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE EASTERN GANGAS OF KALINGA 155

year ‘Sara Nidhi Nanda’ in the Dhanurmasa and on Sukla Trayodasi day. The ‘Sara Nidhi
Nanda’ corresponds to 995 Saka which will be equivalent to 1073 A.D. The other details
given in the grant correspond to 16th December, 1073 A.D. Since from other sources it is
known to us that king Devendravarma Raja Raja Deva ruled for a period of 7 years from
1070-1077 A.D. the present grant falls in the middle of his reign.

The interesting part of the grant lies in the name of the grantee. The name of the
grantee is described in the fifth plate first side as ‘Vipra Samudbhava Ayitama Nayaka Tasya
Patni Vesya Vuddhama, Tasya Putra Narayana Namnam'. In other words this grant is not
made to a Brahmin as is usual іп such grants, but made to one Ayitama Nayaka who pro-
bably might have been one ofthe commanders ofthe king. He is said to be a ‘Vipra
Samudbhava’ or born to a Brahmin. His wife is described as Vesya Vuddhama. The ‘Samya’
Vishaya mentioned here, is known to us from the other grants of Anantavarma Choda Ganga
Deva, and in fact, the ‘Samva’ Vishaya has been mentioned also in the Danta plates of
Vajrahasta-I111 edited elsewhere. This corresponds roughly to the modern Chipurupalli taluk
of the Srikakulam district. The plates were discovered in a vilage called Niddam in
Chipurupalli taluk, while the copper plate grant makes mention of a village *Matura'.
The village Matura is not identifiable.

156 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

FIRST PLATE: SECOND SIDE
१. ओं! खस्तिश्रीमतामखिलभुवनविनुतनयविनया दयादन दा क्षिण्यर्सा
२. सत्यशोचशोय्येवैरय्यांदिग्रणरलपवित्रकाणामात्रेयगोत्राणां वि
3. मछळविचाराचारपुण्यसलिलमप्रक्षारितकछिकारकल्मषमषीणां
e, am हेन्द्राचलशिखरप्रतिष्ठितस्स सचराचरगुरोः -स
५. कलभुवननिर्म्माणैकसूत्रधारस्य शशाङ्कचुडामणे
६. भ्भगवतो गोकरण्णखामिनः प्रसादात्समासा दितैकशङ्क
o, भेरीपञ्चमहाशब्दधवरच्छत्रहेमचामरवरवृषमलांच्छत
समुंज्ज्वलसमस्तसाम्राज्यमहिज्ञामनेकसमरसद्वट््स

SECOND PLATE: FIRST SIDE
“రృ, मुपलब्धविजयलक्ष्म्या аата भुजदण्ड मण्डितानां- त्रिकलि
१०. झुमहीभुजां गड़ानामन्वयमलक्करिष्णोर्विष्णोरिव विक्रमाक्रान्तध
११. रामण्डलस्य गुणमहार्ण्णवमहाराजस्य पुत्र: | 929 पतिभिखिभ
१२. ज्य वसुधा या पंचभिः पंचधा भुक्ता भूरिपराक्रमो भुजबला
эз. त्तामेक एव खयं [|] саа’ विजित्य gf हान्‌ Alam
99; हस्तश्चतुश्वखरिंशतमत्युदारचरितस्स्ामरक्षीत्समाः (1)
$4. तस्य तनयो गुण्डराजा वर्षत्रयमपालयत्‌ dads: का
१६. माण्णेवदेवः पंचर्विशतमब्दकान्‌ | . तस्यानुजो विनया

1. Shown Бу. а symbol. ^2. -Read as विनय 3. . Read as दान
4.. This ж is superfluous: - 5. One म issuperfluous,. ~~6, = Read as ЧЕ
7. Read as एकीकृत्य 8. Read as निवहान्‌

Plate X (a)

THE MATURA PLATES OF DEVENDRAVARMA RAJARAJADEVA

First Plate: Second Side | 2 7 MAY |

a ss १3 7 १ येन योद घ stews NE

319 MIS SERE BEDS E SEIS)

IS COE LIVIA १ MS 7901509 RUA 7 i |
AAD AGT ३९68३40 १/२ TEA `

338 gy S? 93 NISIN ga.
„а TEES 5193916 Gay

(5 ३३२३७१ FE ३ QT SHAVE 991919 Ts аә
3388339 भा 319/369 बह वाच बरथ्‌ 2)

d |

Second Plate: First Side

aue IG ఈ 33 5n BING SAH HR
5916159 Ed ору a) Fa
DE IE ధల VEG రతి శ్రి వాన ЖЕНЕ 75593
33d сил we NI SS
BIG: | 9449 а ३३55/5 Sls SPIE |

HSI S54 NAS 14 భళ్ళు = 556 5 Mapas usu

14) FIST నశ Te ds M99 51$ дәг
| g, १९८१ 3G 5 SRNR సవ e

2

4

Plate X (b)
"A ' ५ BOL THE MATURA PLATES OF DEVENDRAVARMA RAJARAJADEVA
1 Nb

2 Second Plate: Second Side

= E ठ |S] He] ¥ Towle 3 | 31013141414 TE
AGA IIS AF TIM I द
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7290 ९१०6 मा ड भि स
AMAA Mel LACE уе s

Third Plate: First Side

лай яз шау DIO UNIS IASG WU?
| RAINE MS 197) AI SISA 532554884184
ల ర AVC ९११5५४6 58541841569 sl
న A S23 SH వ द sls 3]
маг 572159 558860655

CI 3522] 1$ 53 Pavia mig यदि ay
HAE TE CIM 848 412275566256

ғ
3 > sd
Fis

UN a c И

१७.
१८.
१९.
59.
२१.
३२.
२३.
२४.

२५.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE EASTERN GANGAS OF KALINGA

दित्यस्समास्तस्रः? |

SECOND PLATE: SECOND SIDE

ततः कामार्ण्णवाजातो!° जगतीकस्पमूरुह! [।]यो राज
द्राजितच्छायो वज्रहस्तोवनीपतिः (2) प्रश्‍च्योद!_न्मदगन्धलुब्धमधुप

. व्यालीड mera गजानर्थिभ्यस्समदातसहस्तमतुळो यस्त्यागिना.
मग्रणीः ШЕНІНДЕГІ ^ Haff grada
कः पब्चत्रिंशतमब्दकान्समभुनविप्र वीं स्तुतः पार्थिवै!” (3) `
तदग्रसूनुस्सुरराजसू नुना' समस्समस्तां स!?मितार्मिण्डल*? .स्म^ पाति कामा
с भू y$ L 22 © : --т-р29 -г,24 C
ण्णैवभूपतिभ्सुवं सब्रिद्धिमानद्धसमां समुज्वळ (4) तदनु तदनुजन्मो
चित्तजन्मोपमानोगुणनिधिरनवद्यो गुण्डमाख्यो महीस” [।].स

THIRD PLATE: FIRST ISDE

कल मिदमरक्षत्त्तीणि aif धात्रीवल्यमरूघुतेजो” निजितारातिच
ж: (5) ततोद्वैमातुरस्तस्य मधुकांमाण्णवो त्रियः | .अवतिस्मावनीमेता

मब्दामेकून?- fafa (6) अथ' वज्रहस्तन्रिपतेर्सुंताद खिलंगुणि

, Read as समास्तिस्न:

. Read as वाजातो

. Read as ఇళ్ళ; |

. Readas प्रश्‍च्योत

, Read as व्यालीढ

. श्रीमाननियंक

. Read as gqfq

. Read as 47941

. Read as पार्थिव:

. Anusvara is superfluous
. SI is correct.

. Insert visarga and read as मण्डलः
. ta पाति is past tense as पाति स्म

22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.

जनाग्रण्यः कामाण्णेवात्कवीन्द्र:। प्रगीयमानावदात सुभकीत्ति(:) (7)
श्रिययिव वैदुम्मान्वयसमुद्वावायाश्व 4:32 समजनि विनयमहा

देव्यां जातः श्रीवञ्रहस्त इति तनयः (8) वियद्रितुनिधि संख्या याति, `
शाकान्दसंङ्गे दिनक्रिति त्रिषभस्थे रोहिणी मेषुः° लग्ने धनुषि = सि

Read as समृद्धि
‘Read as समुज्ज्वल;
तदचुजन्मा is correct
Read as महीरा: -
वर्षाणि: is correct
Read as तेजा

Read as 99;
कोनर्विशति

Read as जनाग्रगण्यः `
Visaraga is superfluous
Visarga is not clear,

Read as सुलग्ने

157

158

COPPER. PLATE INSCRIPTIONS. OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

THIRD PLATE: SECOND SIDE

35. ача सूय्येवारे त्रितीयायुजि सकलूधरित्रीं रक्षितुं यो भिषिक्तः (9) zar

३३. येन यत्र सममाचरितु त्रिवर्गे ण निरक्षति aR 'म्मामाग्गोंहितप्रतापे ПЕС

३४. व्याधयश्च -निरघाश्च निरापदश्च aaa भुवि भवन्ति विभूतिमत्यः (10)

३५. व्यापते गङ्गकुछोत्तमस्य यशसा दिक्चक्रवाळे शशिप्रद्योतः

३६, मलिनेन यस्य भुवनः प्रह्मादसम्पादिना सैन्दूर ति सा

39. त्र पेक पटले” कुम्मखलीषट्टकेखालिम्पन्ति पुनः पुनश्च हरि

३८: तामधोरणावा णान्‌ (11) अनुरागेण गुणिनो यस्य वक्षोमुखा

३.९; ss आसीने .श्रीसरखंत्याबनुकूले विराजि(ज)त (D (12) आगच्छ
FOURTH PLATE: FIRST SIDE

४०. ` न्नुरुविक्रमेण सहसा सल्नाभियाता१ दिवोयेना व्याहतबि? त्तिमहिमा

9% हेछानिरस्तोशनिः तेनाकारिनिकाम्यकाम्यतनुना राज्यं महीमण्डले त्रिश

४२. द्वत्सर मभ्रसुञ्रयशस्ता वर्षत्रयेणाधिकः (13) ततोनङ्ग महादेव्या

93. वञ्रहस्तवनीपते०*१[] गोर्य्यामिव हरस्याभूत्का चिकेययिवातम

४४. (14) रक्ष्मीवधूवदनपंकजमाकरन्द सन्दोहचारुपरिचुम्ब

४५, नचेचस्कि' यो मानिनां गुणिनां च दुरात्मनां च सान्ति. च मोदमतुल

95,, च सर्य च 44 (15) शाका दे नयनाब्जगर्भ्म निधिगे जेषडेष्टमी सिंहके र ` -

33, Read as मही 38.

34.
35.
36.
37.

Read as सान्द्र

Insert Visarga after Š

वारणान्‌ should be the correct word:
Correct Sandhi should be; वक्षो सुखाऽ्जयोरा-
सीने |

39.
4).
41.
42.

Read as सहसाशस्त्राभियाता
Read as विश्ववृत्ति

Read as वजहस्तावनीपते:
Insert Visarga after ज
Read as चंचरीक: |

Plate X (c)

THE MATURA PLATES OF DEVENDRAVARMA RAJARAJADEVA

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a Z THE MATURA PLATES OF DEVENDRAVARMA RAJARAJADEVA
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Fifth Plate: First Side

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INSCRIPTIONS OF THE EASTERN GANGAS OF KALINGA

FOURTH PLATE: SECOND SIDE

४७. A चोत्तरफल्गुणी गुरुदिने पक्षे аяй सुमे लोकालोकमहामहीध्रव
४८, लयालंकारवत्या भुवस्संसिक्तस्स कलिडठराजतिलक: श्रीराजरा
४९. जो йч: (16) करिङ्गनगरात्परमा*माहेश्वर परमभट्टोरक महाराज,
we. घिराजत्रिकलिड्राधिपति: श्री* दववेनद्रव्म्मा राजराजदेव:
७५१: कुशली समस्तामात्यप्रमुखजनपदान्समाहूय सम ज्ञा
a. qf विदितमस्तु मवतां 841843 माहुर नामग्रामश्वतु
ча. स्सीमावच्छिननस्सजलस्थलस्सर्व्यपीडाविवज्जितमाचन्द्राककक्षितिसमका
७५४. छं .यावन्मातापित्रोरामनश्चयशो भिव्िद्धये । शरनिधि, न

FIFTH: PLATE
५५. न्दंगणिते शाकाब्दे धनुमोसशुझुत्रयोदऱ्यां Вачева अयितमना
७५६. यकतस्थपत्रिवेस्यावुध्यम तस्य पुत्रों नारायणनाज्ञां ताग्रंशासनं
५७, anga इति |
43. mm of first म is superfluous, 45, Insert qa fter श्री

44, Read as महाराजा А 46. Read as समाज्ञा

159

SECTION V

THE REDDI KINGS OF KONDAVIDU

CHAPTER XV

A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE REDDI KINGS OF KONDAVIDU

1. GENERAL INTRODUCTION

After the fall of Warangal in 1323 A.D. the Kakatiya empire whose last king was
Prataparudra came to an end. The entire Andhra Desa passed under the Tughlak emperors
whose local representatives were the Muslim amirs and the Maliks. The country was groan-
ing under these Muslim invaders and many undue taxes were levied upon the people and
collected with an iron hand. Temples were desecrated, the villages were 100166 and burnt,
and what was once a land flowing with milk and honey was laid bare and waste by the
Muslim officers of the Tughlak emperors. Determined efforts were made to destroy and
root out the Hindu religion of the people. A vivid and graphic account of the conditions
under which the people were suffering is given in the Vilasa copper plate grant of Musuniri
Prolaya Nayaka.' The oppression of the Muslims was so heavy that a determined effort had
to be made in order to overthrow the foreign yoke and to restore the Hindu religion and the
Sanatana Dharma to their ancient glory.

Within a few years after the fall of Warangal and the capture of Prataparudra, a
confederacy of the Hindu chieftains under the leadership of Prolaya Nayaka was established
with the sole intention of relieving the land from the muslim oppression. The few
renowned and ancient generals of the Kakatiyas who survived the catastrophe like Kolani
Prataparudradéva and Annamarya joined the movement. The movement had Rekapalli in the
Bhadrachalam taluk of East Godavari district for its headquarters and from there the move-
ment for the restoration of Hinduism spread. The Nayakas of the Western Andhra country
or Rayalasima who were under the subjection of Malik Naby also rose in a rebellion under
the leadership of Chalukya Kshatriya king Somadevaraya of the Araviti family. They put
the Muslim governor to flight and many forts like Kurnool, Kalavakolanu, Racur, Etagiri
etc. were all liberated.

After the death of Prolaya Nayaka the leadership for this liberation movement fell on
his cousin Kapaya Nayaka. This Kapaya Nayaka has been mentioned by many chroniclers
under different names as Kapa Nid by Іѕату, Kanya Naik by Barani, Kaba Naiand by Aziz-
Ulla-Tabataba, Kaba Naik and Krishna Naik by Ferishta and others. Kapaya Nayaka won a
great victory against the Muslims in 1336 A.D. and when the muslim centurions of the

1. A forgotten chapter of Andhra History by M. Somasekhara Sarma.

164 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

Deccan rose in a rebellion against the imperial throne, Kapaya Nayaka assisted Jafar Khan
one of the leaders to put an end to the authority of the Delhi Sultans in the Deccan. Jafar
Khan who was successful with the help of Kapaya Nayaka assumed the title of Ala-ud-din
Hasan Gangu Bahman and became the first Bahman ruler with the capital at Gulbarga.

However, Kapaya Nayaka’s trust was misplaced and there were constant fights between
the Bahmani kings as well as the leaders of the rebel movement. In addition the Recharla
chiefs of Rachakonda and Devarakonda who were Padma Velamas by caste, and who were
commanders-in-chief under the Kakatiyas from the time of Ganapatidéva asserted their own
independence, and were not willing to submit to the leadership of Kapaya Nayaka. At
the same time the Vijayanagar empire which was founded to stem the tide of the same
Muslim aggression in the south, also consolidated and strengthened its position. Other
chieftains like the Koppula chiefs, the Korukonda chiefs, the Kona chiefs etc. also asserted
their independence. Thus the liberation movement that was set on foot by Prolaya Nayaka
petered out by the time of his cousin Kapaya Nayaka.

Kapaya Nayaka finally lost his life in a battle with Anavota Nayaka of the Recharla
line. The hostile armies met at Bhimavaram of Warangal district in 1367 A.D. in which
Карауа Nayaka was defeated and slain. The Musuniri rule over Telingana thus came to ап
abrupt end as none of the descendents of Kapaya Nayaka are known to history.

Out of this medley of chieftains who were striving for power, the Kondavidu kings
rose to power and ruled for a period of nearly 100 years.

2. THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE REDDY KINGS OF KONDAVIDU

The chronology of the Reddy kings of Kondavidu has not satisfactorily been settled.
It is generally accepted that there were six kings viz. Prolaya Vema, Anavota, Anavéma,
Kumaragiri, Pedakomati Vema and Rachavema. Jt is also generally accepted that these
kings ruled for a total period of nearly 100 years. Тһе Kaifiyats and the Dandakavile of
Kondavidu give the respective reigning periods ofthe different kings. There is also a Caru
verse current in Andhra country which also gives the reigning periods of these kings.
Both the Kaifiyats and the Сағи verse assign a total period of 12, 30, 15, 14,20 and
4 years of rule for each of the six kings mentioned above.

The starting point of the Kondavidu rule is mentioned in the Mackenzie manuscripts
as 1320 A.D. Since, however, it is known that Prataparudra of the Kakatiya rule was
reigning till 1323 A.D., the above date cannot be accepted as quite correct. The earliest
record of Prolaya Vema the first Kondavidu king is his Mallavaram inscription dated 1247,
Saka or 1325 A.D.'. There are several inscriptions of the Kondavidu kings like the Vélparu
inscription of Prolaya Vema,” the Kollüru grant of Anavota etc. Froma study of these
inscriptions, Sri Mallampalli Somasekhara Sarma who has written a monumental work on
TT 1 N.D.IL, 0.73, pp. 1022 ff. 2. Ер. Coll. No, 599 of 1925. 3, Loc. Кес, Vol. LVII pp. 210 ff.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDI KINGS OF KONDAVIDU 165

the history of the Reddi kings' has extracted the following known dates and periods of rule
of these kings.

—— — — е--

Total period of rule Total period of

N. Name of the King Earliest date Latest date deduced from rule assigned

the inscription by Catu verse
1 2 3 4 5 6
1. Prolaya Vema 1325 A.D. 1353 A.D. 28 12
2. Anavota 1353 1364 11 30
3. Ana Vema 1364 1382 18 15
4. Kumaragiri 1386 1402 16 14
5. Pedakomati Vema 1402 1419 17 20
6. Racha Vema unknown unknown unknown 4

From the above it will be seen, that though the ger the genealogy of the | Reddi kings as
known to us from the inscriptions and as known to us from the Kaifiyats and catu verse is
correct and though the total period of their rule viz. roughly 100 years is correct, still there
is a good deal of difference of opinion between the total period of years of reign of each of
the kings. Onan analysis of all the available evidence Sri Somasekhara Sarma has fixed
the genealogy and the chronology of the Reddi kings of Kondavidu as follows and this may
be accepted as fairly accurate.

1. Prolaya Vema 1325 A.D. to 1353 A.D.
2. Anavota 1353 A.D. to 1364 A.D.
3. Ana Vema 1364 A.D. to 1386 A.D.
4. Kumaragiri 1386 A.D. to 1402 A.D.
5. Peda Komati Vema 1402 A.D. to 1420 A.D.
6. Racha Vema 1420 A.D. to 1424 A.D.

3. PROLAYA VEMA (1325 A.D. to 1353 A.D.)

Prolaya Vema was the first historical ruler of the Kondavidu dynasty. The circum-
stances under which the Kondovidu kingdom came into existence are not fully known to us,
but it is clear that the Kondavidu Reddis came to power as one of the chieftains who wanted
to throw off the Muslim yoke on the fall of the Kakatiya empire. Prolaya Vemareddi who
was the first historical ruler is described in the Puvvada grant edited elsewhere in this
volume as well as in his Mallavaram records as ‘Mlécchabdhi Kumbhadbhava’, i.e. a veritable
Kumbhodbhava or sage Agastya to the ocean of the Mlécchas or the Muslims. Prolaya Vema
placed all his resources at the disposal of Pralaya Nayaka of the Musunüru family for the
liberation of the country. In his Mallavaram inscription the three great rivers viz.Brahma-
kundi or the Kundiprabha corresponding to the modern Gundlakamma, the Krishna and the

1. History of the Reddi kings by Sri Somasekhara Sarma (Andhra University Series No, 38).

166 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSBUM

Gautami are mentioned. These therefore give an idea of the sphere of activities of Prolaya
Vema Reddi. There is a reference in the Mackenzie manuscripts of Prolaya Vema defeating
hosts of Turushka Mallas like Alavadin and others. This is probably Ala-ud-din the first
Bahmani Sultan of Gulbarga who must have set foot into the Reddi kingdom and must have
been defeated by Prolaya Vema. The Reddis of Kondavidu generally considered themselves
as masters of the region extending from Srisailam to the east coast. They continued to
administer this region from Addanki in the present Ongole taluk of Guntur district as their
capital and later on shifted their capital to Kondavidu.

The Puvvada grant edited elsewhere іп this volume and also other records of these
kings, mention опе ‘Vema’ as the Vamsakarta to whom was born Prola. Prola was married
to one Annamaümba. To Prola and Annamamba were born five sons called Macha, Véma,
Anna, Dodda and Malla. Of these five sons, the second son Vema is the Prolaya Véma who
is the first historical ruler of the Kondaviduline of kings. Why Vema who is the second
brother was chosen instead of Macha who is the first born is not known though Macha
Reddy seems to have loyally obeyed and assisted his brother. As soon as Kapaya Nayaka
the cousin of Prolaya Nayaka of Musunüru family died, V2ma would appear to have asserted
his independence and organised the defences of his forts on a sound basis. The Kaluvacheru
grant of Anitalli dated Saka 1325 or 1423 A.D.‘ says that Vëma who was originally one of
the 75 subordinate chiefs of Kapaya Nayaka began to rule as an independent soverign after
the death of Kapaya Nayaka.

The northern limits of Véma’s kingdom do not appear to have extended beyond the
Krishna river, and right from the start there was a bitter feud between these kings and the
Recharla chiefs of Rachakonda. Véma was a pious king and he restored many Agraharas
that had been unjustly taken away during the Muslim occupation of the country. He
granted also fresh A graharas to many Brahmins and earned such titles as

* Nissima Bhüdana Parasurama’’ and
" Aparimita Bhidana Parasurama" etc.

The great poet Yerra Pragada who wrote the Harivamsa was the court poet of this
king. In his Harivamsa he gives a graphic description of the Kondavidi kings. It is stated
in this work, that king Vema was an expert archer, and a pious and a god-fearing king who
gathered round himself many Sanskrit and Telugu poets. He bestowed Agraharas on
Brahmins and made arrangements for the performance of sacrifices. He built temples,
constructed tanks and dedicated them to God. Не constructed feeding houses and sheds
for the supply of drinking waters and planted trees on the sides of foot paths. Yerra
Pragada was rarely given to exaggeration and we may therefore accept his picture of the
king as a pious and religious Hindu who was motivated by the higher aims of restoring the

1. A.S.P.P., vol. II, pp. 93 ff.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDI KINGS OF KONDAVIDU 167

Sanatana Dharma to its great glory after its eclipse at the hands of the Muslim
invaders from the North.
4. ANAVOTA (1354 A.D, to 1364 A.D.)

Vema had three sons Anamacha, Anavota, Anavema and a daughter Doddamma. He
had another daughter whose name is not known. Anamacha appears to have died a
premature death and hence during his own life time Vema made Anavota the remaining
eldest son as Yuvaraja. There is a tradition preserved in the Mackenzie manuscripts that
Vema being disabled for the administration of the country on account of some asthmatic
complaint placed the governance of the country in the hands of his son.

Anavota continued the policy of aggrandisement of his father, and being aided by his
friend and ally Choda Bhakti Raja he started a campaign of conquest of the coastal districts
and first overran a ‘Dvipa’ which gave him the title ‘Dvipa Jata. He would appear to have
entered into warfare with Mummadi Nayaka of the Manchikonda family, the Kona chiefs etc.
A record of his successor gives details of this successful eastern campaign. Though the
campaign was successful from a military point of view, still he did not appear to have added
these territories permanently to the Kondavidu kingdom. However, during his reign, the
inroads of the Bahmani kings of Gulbarga, the Recharla chiefs, and the Vijayanagar kings,
were still there and Anavota was able to meet this challenge and maintain his kingdom intact.

The Velugotivari Vamsavali refers to a war between Anavota and the Recharla chiefs
which appear to have begun in Saka 1283 or 1361 A.D. The battle would appear to have
gone against the Kondavidu Reddis though the victories of the Recharla chiefs did not end
by their adding any portion from the coastal territory of the Reddi kingdom. Anavéta was
constantly at war and had to meet the latest thrust from the Vijayanagar empire, who had
entrenched themselves at Udayagiri of Nellore taluq and made it one of their chief bastions
from which to sally out and carry on their campaigns. Anavota lost heavily in the fight with
the Vijayanagar kings, and the limits of his kingdom in the West and in the South receded
considerably. Anavota’s last years were therefore crowned with defeat and disaster.

5. ANAVEMA (1364 A.D. to 1386 A.D.)

Anavota had a son by name Kumaragiri but Kumaragiri was quite young and hence
Anavota's brother Anavéma came to the throne. When Anavema came to the throne most
of the territories acquired by his two predecessors Vema and Anavota were lost mainly to
the Vijayanagar kings. This was a critical time in the history ofthe Kondavidu kings but
Anavema was a great warrior and administrator, who was quite equal to the task.

Anavema like his predecessor undertook an Eastern campaign which was more than a
success. The Srisailam record contains many epithets like

* Ra jamahéendra Niravadyanagaradi bahuvidha sthala durga varga vidalana balarama"

or a hero like Balarama who tore asunder the many kinds of Sthaladurgas like Raja

168 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

mahendravara, Niravadya etc. This shows that Anavéma’s campaign was quite successful.
It is possible to reconstruct the route taken by Anavema with the help of the records left by
him. After capturing Niravadyapuri, or modern Nidadavole, he would appear to have
crossed the Vasishtha and the Gautami and invested Rajahmahéndranagara. After conquering
it, he attacked Pithapuram and also the kingdom of the eastern Chalukyan kings of
Yelamanchili and proceeded as far as Simhachalam where we find one of his records.

After his return from this victorious campaign Anavéma turned his attention to the
West. Anavema would appear to have won a decisive victory over the Récharla chiefs and
to have annexed to his kingdom a portion of their dominion lying to the North of river
Krishna as seen from his inscription at Wazirabad, Vadapalli taluq Nalgonda district.'
Anavema was also successful in recovering the country from the Vijayanagar kings during
his campaigns as seen from his Srisailam records of Saka 1299 or 1377 A.D. Thus Anavema
recovered all the original possessions, that were lost during the reign of his predecessor and
also extended his authority to Simhachalam in costal Andhra and to Srisailam in Rayalasima.

6. KUMARAGIRI (1386 A.D. to 1404 A.D.)

Kumaragiri the son of Anavota succeeded his uncle Anavéma round about 1386 A.D.
When he came to the throne there was some internecine trouble for the succession to the
throne. Kumaragiri made his brother-in-law, Karaya Vema his chief adviser in all matters.
Kataya Vema had married Anavota’s daughter or Kumaragiri’s sister, and hence Kataya
Vema's family assumed a lot of imprtance in the affairs of the Kondovidu kings.

Kumaragiri also as usual with his predecessors had to fight battles with the Vijayanagar
kings and also with the Recharla chieftains who were the hereditary enemies of the
Kondavidu Reddis. Harihara-II, the Vijayanagar ruler marched as far as Tripurantakam
and captured that strong fort. After that they advanced as far as Vinukonda. Kumaragiri,
therefore, sent Kataya Vema with a large army against Harihara. Kataya Vema was success-
ful and defeated the Vijayanagar armies. The Vijayanagar army had already been defeated
once by the Recharla and the Bahmnai rulers and therefore realising the political necessity
of keeping friendly relations with the Reddi kings, they came to terms with Kumaragiri.
Accordingly a treaty was drawn up between Kumaragiri and Harihara-II and Нағіраға-П
cemented this relationship by giving his daughter Hariharamba in marriage to Kataya Véma
himself.

Round about 1390 A.D. king Kumaragiri had firmly established himself on the
throne. He also would appear to have started on an eastern campaign though no lithic
records to this effect are available. Evidences to these are available only in the commentary
on the dramas of Kalidasa written by Kataya Vema who was a great Sanskrit scholar. From
the introductory verses to Abijñana Sakuntala of the commentary of Kataya Vema it is known

1. A.R. H. S, 1934-35, Appendix.

(22) INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDI KINGS OF KONDAVIDU 169

that the following places were conquered viz. Molléti Durga, Kimmüru Durga, Bendapidi,
Ра/ғакшат, Ramagiri and Virakütam. Apart from this introduction a Catu versein Telugu
given in Carupadya Manimanjari, states that Kataya Vema reduced a number of forts also.
The newly conquered territory upto Simhachalam was constituted into a province called Parva
Rajya or eastern kingdom with Rajahmandry as its capital. It would thus appear that Kumara-
giri not only firmly established himself on his throne, but also extended his kingdom further.

Kataya Vema was a great administrator and since Kumaragiri wisely entrusted him
with the details of the administration, the king had a lot of time which he wisely and
usefully spent in cultural activities.

7. PEDA KOMATI VEMA (1402 A.D. to 1420 A.D.)

Kumaragiri had a son called Апаубіа-П. He, however, died a premature death
round about 1390 A.D. even while acting as a viceroy at Rajahmundry and thus Kumara-
giri was left without a descendent to the throne. Kumaragiri confirmed therefore Kataya
Vema his brother-in-law whom he loved very dearly as the heir to the eastern kingdom.
This, however, proved unwise in practice since with the departure of Kataya Vema to
Ra jamahendravaram there were intrigues in the capital. In addition, there was a terrible
famine in 1336 A.D. which lasted for 12 years and it laid the country waste. Taking
advantage of this the Vijayanagar kings were penetrating into the south. There were also
internal dissensions against Kumargiri. In these circumstances, a grandson of Macha Reddi
the elder brother of Prolaya Vema Reddi succeeded Kumaragiri round about 1402 A.D.
with the name Peda Kamati Vema after wresting it from Kumaragiri. He would appear to
have seized the fort of Kondavidu by force with the help of some of the nobles. Kataya
Vema who tried to save the soverign Kumaragiri was defeated in battle. Kumargiri fled to
Rajahmundry accompanied by his brother-in-law Kataya Vema and spent his last days there.

By the time Peda Komati Vema established himself firmly, the Vijayanagar empire was
in the throes of a civil war, and taking advantage of it, the Reddi army defeated the Vijaya-
nagar armies and recovered their lost possessions. Peda Komati Véma reconquered the
coastal portions also which were lost during the reign of the previous king. Kataya Vema
was still giving trouble from Rajahmandry and though there is no direct evidence of fight
between Peda Komati Vema апі Kataya Vema there are details given in Telugu literature
about this.

Sometime after this, the civil war in the Vijayanagar kingdom ended and
Dévaraya-I was firmly established on the throne. Kataya Vema and Devaraya came to an
understanding and true to his promise Dévaraya marched into Kondavidu territory. Dévaraya’s
inscription at Inkollu of Bapatla Taluq of Guntur district dated 1412 A.D. indicates the
date of Vijayanagar aggression. Though he temporarily succeeded, still Vijayanagar rule

1. Ep. Coll, No, 798 of 1922.

170 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

was not firmly established here, and Peda Komati Véma was able to expel the Vijayanagar
forces from his kingdom and bring it again under his control.

Peda Komati Vema was not merely a great administrator, but also a great scholar.
Heis the author of many works in Sanskrit in different branches of learning like Sravya
Prabandhas and Drsya Prabandhas, treatises on Sangita and Sahitya, and also commentaries '
on Sanskrit works. Мапу catu verses which are still extant in Andhra extol his greatness.
One of these praises the munificence of Peda Komati Véma but ironically remarks that just
as there is a snake near every Kalpa tree, so also there was a Turaga Rama probably
referring to one of his Ministers, near Peda Komati Vema, thereby implying that no one
could approach him.:

Peda Котан Vema's reign is also very important in Andhra history as in his great
court reigned Srinatha who was the greatest poet of the day. Srinatha gave full expression
to the power and charm of Telugu lyrical expression and reached the highest pinnacles of
poetry in vivid and graphic verses bringing out the melody and musical sense of Telugu
language and verse in their best light. Whatever he wrote was full of vigour and life. He
used to great effect very ordinary terms and expressions and made full use of colloquial
phrases sometimes not sanctioned by strict grammarians, and made limpid poetry out of
them. Whatever he wrote was poetry and his works overflow with floods of liquid radiance
and beauty, not excelled either before or after. He experimented with new literary fashions
successfully, and attained perfection in many of them. For example the Sisa metre was
chistled by him to such exquisite beauty that it is not capable of further perfection. His
style was lofty, chaste, and masterly, and his poetry has a majestic rythm and melody.
Srinatha held the position of ‘Vidyadhikari’ in the court of Peda Komati Vema. It was
Srinatha who composed all the gift deeds issued by his patron king, the earliest of which is
the Ponupalli grant’ and the latest the Rudravaram grant.’ After the downfall of the kingdom,
Srinatha went to Rajamahendravaram and became the court poet of king Virabhadra Reddi
who ruled till Saka 1360 or 1438 A.D. He was thus the poet laureate of the Reddi kings for
over 38 years

8. RACHA VEMA REDDI (1420 A.D. to 1424 A.D.)

Peda Komati Véma was succeeded by his son Racha Vema. Racha Vema's mother was
Süramümba. There is no record of Racha Véma’s reign available but the Dandakavile and
Kaifiyats state that he ruled only for four years, and treated his people cruelly and
oppressively.

During the time of Racha Véma Reddi, there was a thrust from the Gajapatis of
Kalinga and also from the Vijayanagar side. As Racha Vema Reddi was an oppressive

1. Catupadyamanimanjari by V. Prabhakara Sastri, Vol, I, p. 34.
2. Loc. Rec., Vol. 43. pp. 267 ff. and Vol. 48, pp. 26 ff.
3. C.P. No. 7 of 1919-20.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDI KINGS OF KONDAVIDU 171

tyrant, there was little support from his people against these invasions and he would appear
to have been overthrown by them. The kingdom of Kondavidu founded by Pralaya Vema
thus came to an inglorious end.

9. CONCLUSION

The Reddi kingdom was established in the heart of Andhra Désa in order to resist the
Southern thrust of the Muslim forces. It was fully successful in building up its position
and in acting as a buffer between the South and the Deccan. The Kondavidu kings restored
many of the Agraharas that had been granted to Brahmins and granted many new ones.
They ruled the country strictly according to the principles laid down in the "Dharmasastras'.
Under them literature, art, industries etc. flourished and there was general peace and
happiness among the people. This period also witnessed a renaissance of Sanskrit as well
as Telugu literature. Peda Komati Véma was a great poet of this dynasty. Kataya Vema,
brother-in-law of Kumaragiri was himself a great poet, and his commentary on the dramas
of Kalidasa is known as Kumaragiri Rajiyam.

Peda Котан Угта is the author of ‘Sahitya Chintamani written on the model of
Mammata’s ‘Kavya Prakasa’. He is also credited with having written a treatise on Music
called Sangita Chintamani. This period also witnessed the production of great master-
pieces in Telugu language also. Renowned poets and scholars like Yerra Pragada, the author
of Aranya Parva of Maha Bharata, Lakshmi Nrisimhavatara, Ramayana and the Harivamsa,
Srigiri Jakkanna the author of Vikramarka Charita, Anniah the author of Shodasakumara
Charitra, Ananta the author of Bhojarajipam, Chandodarpanam, Rasabharanam, Peddana
the author for Kavyalankara Chadamani, Sivalenka Kommanna the author of Vira Mahes-
varam, Siva Lila Vilasam, Tripurantaka the author of Chandrataravali, Ambika Satakam
etc. Vallabhamatya the author of Kridabhiramam, Singana the author of Padma Purana
Sakalanitisammata etc, and Srinatha the great Telugu poet and author of works like Sringara
Naishadha, Salivahana Saptasati, Maruttaratcharitra, Bhimesvara Purana, Kast Khanda etc.
lived during the reign of the Kondavidu kings.

Right from the start the Kondavidu kings had to contend not merely against the
inroads by the Vijayanagar empire, but also against the Récharla chiefs of Dévarakonda
and Rachakonda with whom they were perpetually at war. The kingdom of Kondavidu
which was founded by Prolaya Vema reached its zenith in the reign of the great Anavema
and Kumaragiri. The internecine wars at the time of Peda Komati Véma gave it a downward
thrust and with his unworthy son the empirecame to ап епі. A glorious period of 100
years was all the life of the Kondavidu Reddi dynasty. The following table shows at a
- glance the genealogy and chronology of the Kondavidu Reddis.

172 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

Véma
(Described in grants as Vamsakarta)

Prola
(Married Annamamba daughter of Dodda)
| ы | | |
ета Dodda Malla
| (The first historical king of the
Kondavidu line with the name
of Prolaya Vema 1325 A.D. to
1353 Pen

| | |
Anavota (1354-1364) Anavema (1364-1386) Doddambika
|

|
Kumaragiri Doddambika
(1386-1402

|
Peda Anavota
(died prematurely)

Реда Komati Vema (1402-1420) (grand son of Macha)
Racha Vema (1420-1424)

CHAPTER XVI

PUVVADA GRANT OF PROLAYA VEMA OF KONDAVIDU
DYNASTY OF REDDI KINGS

These plates were discovered in an old well in Tenali taluk of Guntur district and
were retrieved by Sri М. Bhagwandas, Т.А.5., who was then District Collector and Magistrate
of Guntur, While examining his private collection, I came upon these plates and realised
their importance. Sri N. Bhagwandas was kind enough to give these plates to the Govern-
ment Museum at Hyderabad, and they are now on display in the copper plate epigraphy
section of the Andhra Pradesh Government Archaeological Museum inthe Public Gardens,

The inscription is engraved upon five copper plates. The plates are engraved on
both sides except the top portion of the first plate which is left blank. The letters are bold
and legible. The plates are held together by a ring which is sealed with a Nandi which has
the usual Lanchana of Kondavidu kings. The plates measure 26.8 cms. in length, and 10.8
cms. in breadth. The rims of the plates are not raised except in the case of the first and the
last plates, and hence the writing is slightly damaged in many of the plates, though the
calligraphy is so good and the language which is used is so chaste, that it has been
possible for me to satisfactorily reconstruct the entire writing except the names of some of
the Brahmin donees at the end. The total weight of the plates and the ring is 2925 grams and
632 grams rerpectively.

The plates are engraved on both sides except the first side of the first plate. There
are in all 82 lines of writing, distributed equally on each plate, with nine lines of writing on
each, except on the 2nd side of the fourth plate which contains 10 lines.

The seal of the ring is also inscribed and a photo of the inscribed seal is also publish-
ed along with the plates. The inscription on the seal reads as Sri Pallava Trinétra which is
the usual sign manual of the Kondavidü kings.

The language of the plate is Sanskrit, except for the details of the boundaries of the
village. The characters belong to the medieval Telugu type. The style used is exceptionally
chaste and is replete with Alankaras.

The plate opens whith a verse in the Sardulavikridita metre in which Lord Narayana in
the aspect of Varaha is described and a benediction given that that Lord may protect all of

174 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDBRABAD MUSEUM

us. In the next verse which is also in Sardülavikridita metre it is stated that the Sidra caste
or the Chaturtha Varna which is the source of all Gambhirya and Dhairya was born from the
feet of Lord Narayana even as the sacred Ganga was born. In the next verse which is in the
Mandakranta metre it is stated that in this Chaturthakula was born Véma who is described
here as the ‘Vamsakarta’ or the originator of the Vamsa. It is stated that when this king
was ruling, the garland of pearls adorning the necks of the enemy queens disappeared,
implying thereby that he was such a powerful warrior that he slew all the enemy kings. In
the next verse, in the Vasantatilaka metre it is described that from Vema the Vamsakarta
was born for the upliftment of the Brahmin community the King Komati Prola who is
described here as a veritable Garuda to the snakes of the enemy kings. In the next verse
which is in the Sardilavikridita metre a fine description of his wife Annamamba is given.
This Annamamba was as good a wife to Prola as the daughter of the mountains i.e. Parvati
was to Sambhu i.e. Lord Siva, Goddess Bharati or Saraswati to Pankajabhava or Lord Brahma,
Goddess Lakshmi or Sagarasambhava to Lord Vishnu, Jahnavi or Ganga to the Lord of the
rivers i.e. the sea, Suvarchala to Lord Surya and as Rohini to the Lord Moon. In the next verse
which is also in the Sardalavikridita metre it is stated that this virtuous lady Annamamba
gave birth through Komati Prola to five sons Macha, Vema, Dodda, Anna and Malla. In
the next verse which is in Indravajra metre these five brothers are compared to the five
Pandavas who had taken birth for the upliftment of the world and who were shining in
their truthfulness, strength, valour, beauty and intelligence. It is also interesting to note
in this connection that the five qualities mentioned above are attributable to the five
Pandavas in that order viz. Truthfulness to Dharmardja, strength to Bhima, valour to
Arjuna, beauty to Nakula and intelligence to Sahadéva. Inthe next verse which is in the
Malini metre it is stated that out of these five brothers, Vema Bhüpala who is the second of
the five brothers came to the throne, just as Lord Krishna who is described here as Kamsa-
mardi or the killer of Kamsa came to the throne. Vema is also described as the refuge and
resort of all Pundits. This Véma is the grantor of the present copper plate.

In the next verse which is in the Indravajra metre this Vema Bhüpala is said to have
obtained double merit by first restoring the old Agraharas that had been granted
earlier and by granting fresh Agraharas later for the benefit of the world. In the next verse
which is in the Indravajra metre it is stated that this king gave enough of land grants
and was content with the ‘Bhukta Sésha’ or the ‘left-over’ enjoyments. In the next verse
which is also in the /ndravajra metre this king Vémabhapala is said to have constructed a
flight of steps leading down to the Patalaganga river near Srisailam described here as Srigiri
and that he made arrangements for the descent of the pilgrims into the river being himself
anxious for ascending to Kailasa. In the next verse which is in the Sardalavikridita metre the
valour of Vemabhüpala is described further. He is compared to the terrific flow of water

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDI KINGS OF KONDAVIDU 175

uprooting all the enemy kings who are standing on the sides and asa full moon to the
friendly kings, who are compared to the moon lotuses and which blossom forth as soon as
the full moon rises. The king is also compared to a gust of wind to the cotton of ‘Manne’
kings, who were very haughty. Не is described as a veritable 'Kumbhodbhava' or Agastya
to the ‘Mlécchabdhi’ or the ocean of the М/ессһаѕ or the Muslims. In the next verse which is
in the Sragdhara the Mandalagra or the sword of Vemabhüpala is described ina verse
full of vigour and beauty. The sword is compared to Lord Siva doing the Tandava. The
nerves and the intestines of the enemy kings that had been killed in the battle and which
got attached to the sword are described as the ‘Ghana Jata’ or the flowing locks of hair of
Siva. The pearls in the foreheads of the elephants that had been smashed by the sword and
turned into white powder and which had attached themselves likea paste to the sword are
compared to the Bhiti or Vibhati of Lord Siva. The sword is also making an ‘Attahasa’ in
the battle field just as Lord Siva does the ‘Attahasa’ when the lord is doing the cosmic dance
and the noise of the sword is described as ‘Jhana Jhana’ and Krinkrita. Just as Lord Siva is
surrounded by his Pramatha Ganas, the sword is also described as being surrounded by the
“5౫7/4 Bétalas’ or the ghosts of the persons that were killed in the battle field. Thus the
sword is described as doing the Prachanda Tandava like Lord Siva. In the next verse the
genealogy of king Vema is described. In this verse which is in the Sardülavikridita metre
it is stated that ancient kings like Sagara etc. have done enough of gifts of land but the
poets would prefer to make special mention only of one donor viz. Vema Bhüpati. In the
flowing waters ofthe gifts made by this king, Vairochana or Bali the son of Virochana, is
said to have bathed, the idea being that the ‘Danasalila’ or the water given during the ‘Dana’
by the king is so great that it is enough to drench even Bali. In the next verse which is in
Anushtup metre the kingdom of Vzma is said to have had the Sapta Santanas and the Kirti
or glory of the king being jealous of this, got herself established in the fourteen worlds also.
In the next verse which is also in the Anushtup metre the king is described as having
the sign manual ‘Pallava Trinétra’ and is described as a bee worshipping at the lotus feet of
Sri Ghoderaya Ganga. In the next verse which is in the Indravajra metre Vema is described
as ruling the Mahitandhra Desa or the glorious Andhra Desa to the east of Srisaila and
which adjoins the Gundlakamma river. His capitalis said to be Addanki and the king is said
to be ruling his kingdom paying equal attention to Dharma, Artha and Kama.

In the next verse which is іп Sardalavikridita metre the date of the grant and the name
of the village that was granted are given. The Saka year was 1268 corresponding to 1346
A.D. The cyclic year was Vyaya and the date of the grant was Ashadha Dasami. On this day
the king Vémabhapalapati gave before the Lord of Srisaila for the eradication of all sins,
the village known as Puvvada to several learned Brahmins who were well versed in Vedas,
after dividing the village into sixty four parts and made the gift with the eight different

176 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

types of enjoyments. In the next verse which is in the Anushtup metre it is stated that from
that time the village Puvvada came to be known as Vamapuri and the village is also said to
be situated in between the two forts of Addanki and Vinukonda.

In the next few lines the names of all the Brahmins who were the grantees, and the
shares which they were given is described in full. At the end of the plate are the usual
imprecatory verses which are found in all the copper plate grants of this type.

The grant gives us the name of Prola's father Vema, who is described here as ‘Vamsa-
karta’ and after whom the present grantor is named. In the copper plate the king Prolaya
Vema's father is described as Komati Prola who married Annamamba. Yerra Pragada in his
Harivamsa does not mention Dodda who is mentioned here as one of the five sons perhaps
because Dodda might have died by the time the Harivamsa came to be written.

The Kondavidu kings belong to the Reddi family and it isnot known as to how and why
they are mentioned as Komatis though they are not members of Vaisya or the third caste.
There is, however, a current story in Andhra Désa preserved in the Kondaviti Dandakavile and
the Kaifiyats. According to these, it is stated that the Reddis became suddenly rich during
the time of one Donti Allada Réddi. A merchant Vemana or Komati Vemana spent a
number of years with Rasasiddhas and acquired a piece of philosopher's stone or
Sparíavedi which had the property of converting iron to gold. Though the merchant
Vemana took pains to protect this, Allada came to know of this and put into execution an
ingenious plan to rob Vemana of this. While Vemana was once out Allada Reddi took
possession of this philospher's stone, and set fire to the house, and later pleaded that the
stone also was burnt. The komari died of a broken heart and on his death bed he enjoined
that his name should be perpetuated in the family of the Reddis and that the wealth obtained
through the stone should be spent on charity.

Whatever might be the truth of the story, the fact remains that many of the Kondavidu
kings had the titles Véma and Komati which are very rare among the Reddi families. There
is one Manchala copper plate grant of Prolaya Vema which credits him with having known
the science of Alchemy.‘

"Swarnakara Prasiddhim Labdhavan.”’

From Srinatha’s Haravilasa we learn that a Komati named Avachi Devayya son of Pavani
a great merchant of Simhavikramapattana was the chief source of supply to Vama. Avachi
Deváyya's son Tippa to whom Srinatha’s book was dedicated was also a great merchant and
was purveyor to Kumaragiri. It would thus appear that Avachi Deva supported Vema as
his son Avachi Tippa supported Kumaragiri.

The king Vemabhüpala is also described in the grant as ‘Sri Ghoderaya Gangakhya
Guru Padabja Shatpadah’ or a bee at the lotus feet of his Guru known as Ghoderaya Ganga.
Yerra Pragada in his work Harivamsa addressed king Véma as one who established the

1. Mack. Mss. Nos. 15-16-17 and 15-3-64.

(23) INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDI KINGS OF KONDAVIDU 177

kingdom by the mercy of his Guru Ghoderaya Ganga.
‘Sri Parvatesa Bhakti
Khyapita Guna Ghoderaya Ganga Guru Krupá
Sthapita Samrajya Samu

Ddipita Vemakshitindra Dipta Dinendra."
Hr. Vm., II. IV. V. 1.

(This verse which is stated to be found in some of the manuscripts is given as Pathantara in
the Vavilla edition)

The members of the Ghoderayaganga family exercised much influence over the Reddi
kings in view of their status as Rajagurus or preceptors of the kings. The identity of
Ghoderaya Ganga mentioned in the plate has not been fully established. In the Madras
Museum plate of Vema also edited by the late Jayanti Ramayya Pantulu (Epigraphia Indica
Vo. VIII page 15) the same reference to the king Vema as Sri Ghoderaya Gangakhya
Gurupadabja Shatpadah occurs

There was one Ghoderaya Ganga or Gangideva who was a Minister of Ambadeva who
was a great powerful Kshatriya feudatory of Rudrambika of the Kakatiya line. Ambadeva
ruled upto 1304 A.D. and his inscriptions are found at Tripurantakam and other places. His
minister was Ghoderaya Gangayya Déva who was an able and upright administrator and
who made several gifts to Saivite temples, and also set up feeding houses to Mahesvaras or
Saivite devotees. This Gangadéva may be the same as the Guru of king Vema referred to
above. If this identity which has been proposed by Sri Mallampalli Somasekhara Sarma’
is accepted, then it may be presumed that it was he who took the forefathers of Véma into
the service of Ambadéva. Jf so perhaps a clue to the origin of the Kondavidu dynasty may
be found in this.

The seal of the copper plate contains as stated above the sign manual ‘Sri Pallava
Trinetra’. In several other plates the Kondavidu Reddis have assumed the titles of Pallavaditya
and Pallava Trinétra. The question, whether the Reddis were Pallavas or connected with
them arises for consideration

The early Pallava dynasties that ruled over Nellore and other places disappeared
` centuries before the rise of Kondavidu power, and in between, several chieftains who traced
their descent from Mukkanti Kaduvetti or Trilochanapallava ruled the land as feudatories of
the Cholas. Ші not possible to say therefore that these Reddis were originally Pallavas
since the evidence does not warrant such a conclusion. These Reddi nobles might have
contracted matrimonial alliances with the Pallava chieftains of Nellore of the 12th and 13th
centuries. Because of this or because their country was Panza Rashtra which was a division
of the ancient Tondamandala which for centuries has been the homeland ofthe Pallavas the
Kondavidu Reddis might have assumed the title of ‘Pallava Trinetra’. Apart from this no

1. History of the Reddi Kingdoms, page 66

178 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

other explanation is possible at this stage.

The date of the grant is given as ‘Sakabdé Dvirartu Bhanu’ etc. As it stands, the word
Bhanu represents the Dvadasa Arkas and stands for 12, Ritu stands for 6, and Dvi for 2 and
the Saka year would then be 1262. However the cyclic year is given as Vyaya, and if it is 1262
Saka the cyclic year is Vikrama and not Vyaya. As the cyclic year is given in unmistakable
terms as Vyaya, this corresponds to Saka 1268 only. Saka 1268 is seen to be correctly given
in letters in the grant and hence there is an obvious mistakein describing the year in words.
Moreover the metre of the verse in which this phrase occurs, being Sardilavikridita the
phrase ‘Sakabdé Dvirartu Bhanu’ will not satisfy the requirements of the verse. In Sardüla-
vikridita the first Gana is ‘Ma’ Gana, the second Gana is ‘Sa’ Gana. The ‘Ma’ Gana consists
of three Gurus and the word Sakabdé is the ‘Ma’ Gana. The next Gana is ‘Sa’ Gana consisting
a Laghu in the beginning, a Laghu in the middle and a Guru attheend. The first Laghu is
Dvi. If the second letter ‘Ra’ is followed by Rtu which is a Samyuktakshara then it becomes
a Guru and nota Laghu. Hence it is necessary that there should be a Laghu after the
Laghu Dvi. Moreover it is also seen that there is one Laghu letter which is altogether
missing in the verse. In view of these reasons and in view of the fact that the year is 1268
Saka which is clearly visible in letters, and which also corresponds to the cyclic year
Vyaya given in the grant, itis found that the description іп the plate ‘Dyirartu’ is wrong.
One might attempt at supplying the missing letter as ‘Da’ and then read the verse as ‘Sakabdé
Dviradartu Bhanu’. If this missing letter is supplied the word ‘Dvirada’ which means an
elephant would stand for the 8, standing for Ashta Diggajas. In that case the year would be
1268 Saka and all the difficulties would be resolved. Hence the description of the year given
in the words is an obvious mistake and the pharse has to be read as ‘Sakabdz Dviradartu
Bhanu Gana Yukte’ etc. The month is given as Ashadha and the date is given as Dasami. This
would correspond to July 17, or July 31, of 1346 A.D., as the Paksha is Bahula or Sukla.

The village that has been granted is described as Puvvada and it is stated to be
situated between the two forts of Addanki and Vinukonda. The village after the grant by
Vémabhüpala is said to be renamed by him as Vémapuri. The village is still known by the
name of Puvvada of Guntur district and is situated exactly between the modern Addanki
and Vinukonda of that district.

It is stated in the grant itself that the king divided this village into 64 parts. The
number sixty four is written both in words and in letters. It is called ‘Nigamartu Bhaga
Sahita' the Ritu standing for 6 and the Nigama or the Vedas standing for 4. The village
therefore was divided into sixty four parts.

The grantees were learned brahmins belonging to different Gotras. Each one was not
given an equal share. Some persons were given half share, some three-fourths share, some
one, and some one-eigth etc. The following table gives completely the names of the brahmins,

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDI KINGS OF KONDAVIDU 179

their Gotras and also the parts of the village which were granted to their share.

It is seen from an actual calculation of the parts given to the brahmins, that there were
in all 61 brahmins to whom the grants were made. Some were given half a share described
in the grant as ‘Artha Bhagi’, some were given shares described in the grant as ‘Dvi Bhàgi',
some were given 11 share described in the grant as *Sapada Bhagi’, some were given three-
fourth share described in the grant as ‘Padona Bhagi’ etc. Several fractions like 'Shoda-
samsa Sahita Artha Bhagi’ or 4-Fí— fs ‘Shodasamsa dwaya Sahita Pada Bhagi' or ізі
'Shodasamsa Shatka Sahita Eka Bhag? or 1-1 etc. have been mentioned. From
the list given below, the total comes to exactly 63 parts and not 64 parts as mentioned
in the grant. However, the portion granted to one Annayarya No. 46 in the list below
is not clear in the grant except the last letter ‘gi’. If we assume that he was treated
as а Sapada Bhag then the total would come to 64: and if we assume that he was
treated as a ‘Padona Bhagi’ the total will come to 633 and in either case itis j part
extra or 4 part less than the total of the 64 parts mentioned in the grant. If, however,
the part mentioned against Sri Annayarya had been erased in the original grant
itself, he should be deemed to have been given one part only, since it is explicitly stated in
the grant that persons against whom a specific number is not mentioned, should be deemed
to have received only one part. In such a case, the total of the parts would work out
exactly to 64 parts as mentioned in the grant. It is not possible to state any thing more
definitely than this since unfortunately the original copper plate is eroded much against
the name of Annayarya. From an analysis of the names it is seen that 10 persons belonging
to Kasyapa Gotra, 4 persons to Bharadwaja Gotra, 10 persons to Kaundinya Gotra, 5 persons
to Gotama Gotra, 6 persons to Srivatsa Gotra, 3 persons to Sandilya Gotra, 11 persons to
Harita бойға, two persons to Chikita Gotra and one each to Kausika, Kanwa, Vishnu-
Vriddha, Kutsa, Kapi, Agastya, Vasishta, Vadhula Gotrās and two brahmins viz. Kotthari
Samgyakah and Donayaryah whose Gotras are not known were given lands.

LIST OF THE BRAHMINS

S. No. Name Gotra Share

1. Acharya Peddayarya Kasyapa 1
2. Narayanarya 25 1
3. Narahari....papayarya T 1
4. Vengalanatharyah స 1
5. Machirajaryah 3 1
6. Gangayaryah a 1
7. Polayaryah 2s 1

180

COPPER PLATE INCSRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

S. No.
8.

17.

Name
Varadayarya
Narasimhabatta
Madhavarya
Adityaryah
Mallayaryah
Thallayaryah
Gannayaryah
Appayaryah
Singayya Bhatta
Сораға јағуа
Jahkappayaryah
Surayaryah
Marayarya
Surayarya
Kamanappayarya
Peddayaryah
Narahari Bhatta

Narayanappayaryah

Marayaryah
Somara jaryah
Narayanaryah
Marayaryah
Nagayaryah
Mallayaryah
Thammayya Bhatta
Annayaryah
Peddayaryah

. Pondüri Peddaya

Kesavapeddayaryah

Thammalüri Peddaya

Lakkanaryah
Singaya Bhatta
Devayaryah
Varadayaryah
Pinnayaryah
Manchi Каіағуаћ

Gotra
Bharadwa ja
33

55

Kaundinya

Kausika
Kanwa
Vishnuvriddha
Kutsa

Kapi

Gotama

Srivatsa

33

Sandilya

55

Harita

Agastya
Vasishta

Share

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDI KINGS OF KONDAVIDU 181

తమా నల టలు S. No. Name Gotra Share
44. Chittayaryah Gotama 4
45. Nandirajaryah Bharadwa ja 21
46. Annayaryah Srivatsa
47. Nallaparajarya T 2
48. Damanakichinarya Harita i
49, Allayaryah Vadila 4
50. Gangayarya Chikita 1
51. Anantarya " 1
52. Dachayarya Kasyapa i
53. Nallagangarya T Yu
54. Mallayaryah s 1%
55. Атағауағуаһ Kaundinya 10
56. Gannayarya % n
57. Goparajaryah з 15
58. Mallayaryah j 1%
59. Singayaryah T 1
60. Kotthari Samgyakah " в
61. Donayaryah » 1
Total 63

The boundaries of the village are given as follows:

To the East River Gundlakamma

To the South East А vagu called Lonthuvagu

To the South A bush called Kalucha Podalu

To the South West А pit called Chatrala Kunta

To the West A bush called Kathuva Podalu, a domalu gattü to its West,

and a Ravi Meraka
To the North West A tank or Cheruvu
To the North Puli vagu
To the North East River Gundlakamma

182

२७,

, COPPER. PLATE: INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD. MUSEUM

FIRST'PEATE: SECOND SIDE

“अमत्कीमरूनिरनीरजरुचिलींठवराहथश्िरं नातिप्रोढमृणालकदळ
- BURST पातु व: ।, аага क्रमेण ләт (=

का रागादाद्रेतनूरिव क्षणमभूदामोद्रिनी मेदिनी (1) आसीत्कोस्तुभरत्नमंडि
ततनोदेवस्य लक्ष्मीपतेः पादात्पझनिभत्विषो भगवती गेंगेव पुण्योदया। आ
कल्पस्थिरजीवना त्रिजगतीसंतारणोद्यो गिनी पर्यायेण चतुर्थवर्ण वितति
गामीयधेयप्रसूः (2) तद्वर्णाब्धावखिलजनतानेत्रसंपूर्णचद्रो जातः

की तिप्रभव॑ंसदनं वेमयो वंशकर्त्ता। यस्योदभे स्फुरति सततं भाखतीव प्र

तापे नासीत्कंठेष्वरिमृगहशां हारतार।वळिश्रीः (3) तेनॉजनि द्विजनिकायहिता

'बतार श्र॑यान्गुणस्तनुभृतां. मरुतामिवद्रः | वीराग्रमीजगति को

SECOND PLATE: FIRST SIDE `
मटिप्रोलनामा बरत्यत्थिभूपतिभुजंगविहंगराजः (4) शंभोरद्विसुतेव d
कजभुवो. देवी यथा भारती विष्णोस्सागरसंभवेव सरितांपत्युर्थथा जा
हवी, | . सूयस्येव ge शशभृतः पुण्या यथारोहिणी मान्या कोमटिप्रो
ख्यस्य सहंशी मार्यान्नमांबाभवत्‌ (5) उत्साहात्त्रिदिवौकसां सुरतरून्‌ क्षी

¦ ` रोमिरेखाः यथा पुत्रान्‌ कोमटिप्रोलयाद्‌ -गुणवती सासूत 4

च क्रमात AÀ माचनृपालेमुन्नतमथ श्रीवेमपृथ्वीपंतिं पश्चाद्दोड्य

. qaqaq श्रीमल्यक्ष्मापति (6) सत्येन सत्वेन पराक्रमेण रू
ач बुध्या च विराजतस्तान्‌ | त्राणाय भूयोपि भुवोवतीर्णान्नूनं аа

न्यत पांडुपुत्रान्‌ (7) अथं सकळबुधानामाश्रयः पारनायः क्षि
SECOND PLATE: SECOND SIDE

fastado: Фала 24: | कलिसमयविदप्यहस्युमूपा न्नि

. ` ससन्बहृति सकलप्रथ्वीं वेमभूपाल qu (8) संप्राप्तकामो द्विगुणं
£ - ` फळं а: 'पू्ववाग्रहाराननुंपाल्य Чеч | पश्चादने[कान्‌ ख]यमत्युदा
_,.. रान्‌ आमान्‌ ददो शाश्वतलोकसिष्यै | (9) नैतावता तृप्तमनास्स मू [पो] निस्सीम

मुब्बीमखिलद्विजेम्य: | दत्वा यथेच्छं [क्षिति|कल्पवृक्षस्तदुभुक्त

रोषं खयमन्वभुंक्त (10) पातारगंगामधिङ्कत्य नृणा[मा]्रीगिरेर्यस्त्वधि
रोहणाय | सोपानपंक्ति व्यतनोन्महात्मा Head खयमारु
88: (11) इप्तानंतरराजभूरुहमहास्रोतोवहो निर्झरो मैत्रीसं
गतराजकेरववनीसंपूणचद्रोदयः | मायन्मन्नेनृपारतरुपः

~ 1, Read as नील

Plate XI (a)

THE PUVV ADA PLATES OF PROLAYA VEMA
First Plate: Second Side <

= sss,
= =
RA PUBLIC

RA A
ea "NOE 9 + <. =Í. E >: 2 < 2 M A ба 55 >
దనయ పవక OIA) Са SRT ON Se ,

Plate XI (b)
THE PUVVADA PLATES OF PROLAYA VEMA

Third Plate: First Side

Third Plate: Second Side

నా ma pe

२८.
२९.
३०,
३१.
३२.
33.
३४.
२५.
३६.

३७,
३८.
३९.
४०,
४१.

moe

9२,
9३.
29,
Qu,

95.
ge,
2c.
४९,

uo,

4

५१,
мз,
"AR.
wv,

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDI KINGS OF KONDAVIDU »

THIRD PLATE: FIRST SIDE
वनो म्लेच्छान्धिकुम्मोद्भव C) wey वेममहीप तिर्गुण निथिर्वीरः कथं
वर्ण्यते (12) आंत्रैरम्रावसक्तैविततघनजटः क्षुण्णमत्तेममुक्ताचूण .
रारिप्तमूति स्फुरित्षणझणत्क्रीकृतेस्साट्टहासः | श्रीवेमक्षोणि

' म्ुंस्समितिपरिद्ृतो чачат ат. Ta हर इ
а कुरुते ASA मण्डलाग्र: (13) मूदानं सगरादयो नृ

पतयः प्रांचोप्यळंचक्रिरे दातारं परमेकमेव तु वयं बेम `
प्रभुं ब्रमहे । यस्याद्यापि समग्रदानसलिलैरमूमेरधोवष्तिभिः पा
qed रसमग्रदानमलिन (:) स्नातीव Wa: (14) सप्तसंतानवत्यासीन्मही `

वेमविभोरिति । . स्पर्धयेव чат: कीर्त्या गर्भे लोकाश्चतुर्दश (15) श्रीपद्धवनिने
THIRD PLATE: SECOND SIDE

त्रांको धन्यो वेममहीपतिः । श्रीघोडेरायगंगारव्यगुरुपादाब्

षट्पदः (16) 41894 [3] महितांभ्रदेशे [कुंडीनसीमन्यति] शोममानां |
затей नगरीं प्रशासद्धमाद्धकामान्स समं सिषेवे (17) -0- शाकाब्दे
द्विर[द]तुभानु ౧౨౯౮ गणनायुक्ते व्याख्ये सुकृत्याषाढे [7०] [स fe].
वेमभूतलपति(:) श्रीशैलमर्तुःपुरः । ग्रामं प्रादित सर्व्वपा' |
पहतयें पुव्वाडसंज्ञं ағат frag [८-०] भाग a

‚ हितं सेश्वर्यमोगाष्टकं (18) a ग्रामो वेमभूपालनाज्ञा वेमपुराह
ar) अहंकिविनिकोण्डारव्य दुग्गयोरंतरे स्थितः (19) अस्य रामस्य
' प्रतिग्रहीतार: | ` आचाय पेद्दयार्यः । ' नारायणार्य:। नरहरि x >

FOURTH PLATE: FIRST SIDE
с T с oe "Oe . та с - Кај Е
сат: | वेगळनाथाय: | माचिराजाथः। TIA: प्रोख्यायः। ,

एते зачат: | वरदयार्यः द्विमागी । ` नरसिंहभट्टः द्विभागी ar

घवार्यः। एते भारट्वोजगोत्रीः। आदित्यार्यः। иа: | «вай:

गन्नयार्यः agan, अप्पयार्यः अद्धमागी । एते । कोडिन्यगोत्राः D शि]

пача: कोशिकगोत्रः | गोपराजार्यः wot: | जकप्पयार्यः |
विषणुवृद्धगोत्रः | RAA: कुत्सगोत्रः । ага: कृपिगोत्रः । सू
aå: द्विमागी । , क्ामनप्पयार्यः द्विमागी । , Wan: 1 а нш |
एते गोतमगोत्राः। नारायणप्पंयार्यः.। ARATA: po सोमराज

र्य: | नारायणार्यः | एते श्रीवत्संगोत्राः | ата: | -नागयार्यः [|

183 `

184

м

w,

©. © .

६४

€.

‘COPPER “PLATE INSCRIPTIONS:OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

FOURTH :PLATE: SECOND SIDE
аата: 1. अधेभागी । : एते शांडिल्यगोत्रा: । . तम्मयभंट्टः р अन्नयार्य: [U
पेद्दयायः। पोंडूरिपदयरार्यः ТЕНИЙ । केशवपेददयार्यः. द्विभागी ।. : तम्म
аата: |. द्विभागी saad: fag: |. देवयार्य: | че ай: |

. ` अधभागी-। एते हरित. गोत्रा =о= ата: सपाद भागीः। .अगस्त्यगोत्रः | मं

चिराजायः पादोनभागी । _बसिष्ठगोत्रः |: Rend: ada) भांगी.। ` गौतमगो

жі नंदिराजार्यः साद्व) द्विमागी। «snae |. अन्नयार्यः | > > >

JE] seam: पादोनमागीः (|) एतौ श्रीवस्सगोत्रो। दामनकूचिनार्यः अर्ड (4)

“भागी 'हरितगोत्रः। కాళ: asa) भागी aha: गंगयार्यः [1]. अनं
, R एतो Раа! । दाचयार्यः अर्धमागी 1 नलगंगनार्यः षोडशांशस
атан | «eura षोडशांशट्ठयसहित पादभागी । एते

FIFTH;PLATE: FIRST SIDE

BRANA: 11 - अमरयायः 'षोडशांशद्वयसहिताद्ध(र्थ). भागी | _गन्नयार्य
. . षोडशांशसहिताद्ध(धि) भागी. |. गोपराजार्यः घोडञ्रांशद्वयसहित पादभागी |

मह्लयायः |. षोंडशांशद्वयोनमागी Bead: एते कोडिन्यगोत्रा: | [को]
त्थारि संज्ञकः षोड्यांशषट्कसहितेकभागी । दोंनयार्थः | अत्र भागविशेषोक्ति

` - हीना саата: । - -0- अस्य आमस्य सीमचिहानि | ` ४5०७३३३४७७ [గుండ్ల]
' కమ్మ అగ్నేయానకు లొంతు wor | దడిణానకు కలుచపోదలు [3 5) తానకు |

చటాలకుంట | పడుమటికి క్షత్తువపొదలున్ను oH ఉత్తరమ్ముఖమై రాంగ ) |

. ` టోమల గట్టున్ను. రావి మోరక్షున్ను । వాయవ్యానకు, । చెటువు ఉత్తరపు | ]

ఉత రానకు పులివాంగు | ఈశాచ్యానకు గుండ కమ్మే సీమ. ee
IFTH PLATE: SECOND SIDE

ode यावति . ठागळमुखेन . रजांसिमूमेमांसा feat

जरोमकाणि | ^ तावंतिशंकरपुरे सयुगानि तिष्ठेदभ्‌मिप्रदानमि

2064 कुरुते मनुष्यः || ` खदत्ताद्विगुणं पुण्यं परदत्तांनुपारनं

परदत्तापहारेण खदत्तत्रिप्फळं भवेत्‌ aut परदत्तां वा योह

रेत वसुंघरां п षष्टिं asagar विष्ठायां जायते क्रि

मिः ॥ शत्रुणापि ङतो धर्मः पालनीयः чаза: | शत्रुरेव

. - ag () єтчї: शन्ुर्नेकस्यचित्‌ | ` सामान्योयं धमेसेतु jur
- ~कालेकाले पारनीयो भवद्भिः po इत्थंःसर्चान्भाविनः पात्यिवेंद्रान्भूयो
e aT याचतै TAG; |ˆ అర్జీల

Plate XI (c)
THE PUVVADA PLATES OF PROLAYA VEMA

Fourth Plate: Second Side

У

'opod 258 2323 he ee

SP"

S< Ot IDE ASD v4 0 -O DS соз 2

Fifth Plate: Second Side

వంరొంాంగంయవ GIN ర BPON) చూపిం 953 ie DA ообо

Plate XI (d)

THE PUVVADA PLATES OF PROLAYA VEMA

ЗА

DODO IO EN

Ж

The seal The ring with the legend
‘Sri Pallava Trinetra”.

CHAPTER XVII

THE PEDAPALAKALURU PLATES. OF ANAVEMAREDDI
OF THE KONDAVIDU LINE OF KINGS

These plates were discovered by me at Pedapalakalaru village which is about. 8 miles
from Guntur town in 1954 when I was serving as District Collector and District Magistrate
of Guntur. These were kept in my personal custody, and as soon as Andhra Pradesh State
was formed, I transferred them along with other antiquities that had been colléctéd by me
for being displayed in a small museum at the Raj Bhavan at Hyderabad They were there
at the Raj Bhavan for some years and were again sent to me in my capacity as Director of
Archaeology, for displaying these at the Government Archaeological Muséum, Hyderabad.
These are now on display in the copper plate épigraphy section of the Archaeological
Museum at the Public Gardens of Hyderabad. My deep and grateful thanks ate due to the
Governor of Andhra Pradesh for having so kindly given the plates to the Government
Archaeological Museum

The plates are four in numbér and measure 28.4 cms. in length and 15.5 cms. in
breadth. The rims of the plates are well raised and they are connected by a rim through a
hole on the top of the plates. The ring is sealed with a Nandi which is the Lanchana of the
Kondavidu kings. The total weight of the plates and the ring is 5055 grms. & 1875 grms.

. respectively.

The plates are engraved on all the sides including the first side of the first plate, and
the last side of the last plate, though these are generally left blank in other plates. There
are in all 212 lines of writing distributed as follows:

First plate first side 31 lines
First plate second side 29 lines
second plate first side 31 lines
Second plate second side 30 lines.
Third plate first side 27 lines
Third plate second side 27 lines
Fourth plate first side 22 lines
Fourth plate second side 15 lines

Total 212 lines

186 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

The plates are inscribed from top to bottom breadthwise. The language used is
Sanskrit, except for the description of the boundaries of the village which was granted.
It is a peculiarity of this grant that nearly half the writing has been taken up by a
description of the boundaries itself. Out of a total 212 lines, 108 lines are taken up with
the description of the boundaries of the village Pedapalakalüru, which is the object of the
present grant. The boundaries are given in Telugu which is described in the plate as the
Desabhasha. 'The characters belong to medieval Telugu script, and are easily decipherable.
The calligraphy is quite good, and the plates are in an excellent state of preservation. As
regards orthography, only the usual peculiarities which are found in Telugu charters of this
type are noted, and there is nothing particular about it.

The language used in the Prasasti, as well as for giving the geneaology of the grantees
is Sanskrit. The style used in the verses of the Prasasti is very stilted and is highly artificial.
Many artificial attempts at producing interesting sound effects, by putting together rare words
have been made. The over all effect of reading these verses is not one of elevation, and a
sense of beauty, but rather one of cleverness at grammar and at diction. The imagery is not
also quite happy, and the style taken as a whole, clearly indicates the state of degeneration,
into which classical poetry had sunk at that time. This aspect is brought out all the more
vividly in this grant, when we compare the style here, with the chasteness, grandeur andthe
ornateness of the style used in the Puvvada grant of Kondavidu Vema Reddi andthe Goravanka-
palli plates of Raja Rudra which are published elsewhere in this volume. The metre employed
is generaly Sardulavikridita and Upajati, containing the Upendravajra and Indravajra metres.

The whole grant consists of 26 verses, excluding the imprecatory verses at the end,
and these verses are in the following metres.

Ist verse .. Sikharini
2nd verse ij Mandakrantaa
3rd verse .. . Sardüulavikridita
4th verse .. Sardulavikridita
5th verse o Sikharini
6th verse аў Upajati
7th verse .. Sardulavikridita
8th verse T Upajati
9th verse wi Орауал
10th verse .. Sardulavikridita
11th verse .. Sardulavikridita
12th verse .. Sardalavikridita-
13th verse .. Sardulavikridita

14th verse sh Upajāti

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDI KINGS OF KONDAVIDU

15th verse Upajati

16th verse Upajati

17th verse Upendravajra
18th verse Anushtup

19th verse Sardülavikridita
20th verse Vasantatilaka
2lst verse Upajati

22nd verse Upajati

23rd verse Sardülavikridita
24th verse Pushpitagra
25th verse Indravajra

26th verse Anushtup

187

The grant starts with a verse in the Sikharini metre in which Lord Narayana in his
aspect of Varahamarty is praised. It is stated that the *Yajza Varaha’ or the ‘Kratu Varaha
aspect of Lord Hari who carried the earth in his tusks which were as white as the moon and
whose sweat was dripping out from the ends of his hair, on account of embracing Goddess
Lakshmi, may protect the entire world.

After this comes a praise of Lord Siva in the next verse, which is inthe Mandakranta
metre. Here Lord Siva is described as ‘Sarva Bhouma’ and as trying to pacify the anger of the
‘Saila Kanya’ or Parvati, on account of the fact, that Ganga who is here imagined as a second
lady, was flowing over the hair of the Lord. The Lord is also described as being worshipped
by Brahma and Upéndra or Vishnu. He is stated to be ruling in the hearts of every one as a
‘Sarva Bhitantarastha’ and also as being eternally present at the creation, protection and
the destruction of the entire universe. A prayer is given that this Lord Siva may give
auspicious and good things to all of us.

After this follows the third verse in the Sardalavikridita metre, where the Goddess
Mother is described as Goddess Mother Siva. She is described as shining in the middle of
the Bindu or the ‘Pranavakara’ and as riding in the chariot of the ‘Sri Chakra’. She is also
described as a bee to the lotus of the ‘Pancha Pranavas’ and as one who destroys all the sins
Her feet are described as being worshipped by eventhe Dévas and a benediction is given that
such a Goddess who is the very heart of all the mantras, may give us good.

After this invocation to the Goddess Mother, the fourth verse, which is also in the
Sardülavikridita metre, describes Lord Ganapati or Vighnéswara. The feet of the Lord are
described as shining with the splendour of all the Dévas, who bow before him and the
splendour of the rubies etc. falling on the feet of the Lord are compared to the bees that
are playing about inthe lotus feet. The Lord is also described as having brought about
peace amongst the warring gangs of wild elephants, and the verse gives a benediction that
this Gajanana may remove all the obstacles from our path.

188 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

After this comes the fifth verse in Sikharini metre, in which a prayer is addressed to
Goddess Lakshmi who is described here as the consort of Vishnu or Swabhüvallabha. She
is also described as ‘Sudhambunidhi Kanyaka’ or one who is born from the seas, and her
hair compared to the waves of clouds in the rainy season.

After this prayer to the Goddess Lakshmi comes the sixth verse which is in Upajati
metre, in which Surya and Chandra who are called here as 'Pushpavantau' are praised.
They are compared to the wheels of the chariot of the Lord Siva or Lord Purari.

Next comes verse seven in Sardalavikridita metre, in which the birth of the Sudra
caste, or the ‘Chaturthavarna’ from the feet of the Lord Vishnu is described. Lord Vishnu is
described here, as one from the dust of whose feet, the curse of the ‘Muni Sati’ was removed,
referring obviously the Ahalya Sapa Vimochana in the ‘Ramavatara’ of the Lord. The feet
of the Lord are also described as the birth place of all the rivers which removes the sins
of all the three worlds, and also as the object of meditation by which saints and sages
receive divine peace. The verse goes on to describe that from such feet of the Lord was
born the Chaturthakula or the Sidra caste, on obvious reference to the popular belief, that
Brahmanakula was born from the face of the Lord, the Kshatria from the arms, the Vaisya
from ‘Urus’ or laps and the Sudràs from the feet.

In the next, 8th verse which is in the Upajati group a futher description of the
Chaturtha Varna or the Sidra caste is given. Itis stated in this verse that Lord Brahma
made this casteas the very acme or perfection or the ‘Sarabhutha’ of all other castes and
that this caste or the *Chaturtha Varna’ is famous in the world on account of its valour and
its spiritedness.

In the next, ninth verse which is in the Upajati metre, it is stated that from this
Chaturthavarna i.e., the Sidra caste, in the Panta Reddi Anvaya, or the Panta Reddi
community, was born king Prola. This king Prola is described as very proficient in the
difficult task of climbing the Sriparvata which is an obvious reference to ‘Srisaila’ hill. He
is also described as having excelled even the Kalpa Vrikshas by his many gifts.

In the 10th verse which is in the Sardulavikridita metre, Annambika who is described
here as a ‘Gunavati’ or asa lady who is endowed with all good qualities, and who was the
daughter of King Dodda, is said to have got married to this ‘Prola Nripa' of the Panta
Reddi clan just as the Goddess Mother got married to Visvésvara. The verse describes that
this Annambika and King Prola, gave birth to five children, viz., Macha, V ema, Dodda,
Anna, and Malla. These five children are described as the five Kalpakas or the ‘Kalpaka
Panchaka' in the world. र

In the 11th verse which is Sardalavikridita metre it is stated that out of these five
sons, Sri Vema was the best and that even the golden hills began to float in the
waters, which he poured while giving gifts, the idea being that the gifts given by this king

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDI KINGS OF KONDAVIDU. 189

were so numerous, that even the golden mountain began to float. The verse goes on to
state that while this king Vema was ruling, the Brahmins were looking after the interests of
the Devas by the ‘Havis’ that were being given, during the many sacrifices or the ‘Yajnas’,
the idea being, that during the reign of this king, the Brahmins were all encouraged in
doing many sacrifices, and as a result of these sacrifices, the Devas were also satisfied.

In the 12th verse which is Sardalavikridita metre, the description of the generosity of
king Véma is continued. It is stated that this king gave villages on both the banks of the
Tungabhadra, Krishna and Godavari to the many Brahmins as Agraharas, and thereby the
Brahmins were encouraged in their own sacrificial activities.

In the 13th verse which is also in the Sardalavikridita metre, the description of the
generosity of the king Véma is carried further. It is stated in this verse, that the other
kings of the world, who are not quite clever, established pillars of victory made of peri-
shable stuff, for proclaiming their own valour and glory but this king Vema established
two flights of steps in the ‘Srigir and 'Ahobilegir?, and these two serve as permanent
pillars of victory, to proclaim his greatness for ever.

In the 14th verse, which is in the Upajati metre, the description of the generosity
of the king Véma is continued still further. It is stated that this king Vema re-established
in the land by his many gifts of Agraharas to the Brahmins, the Dharma which had become
lame and one footed on account of the many sins in the ‘Kalikala’.

In the 15th verse, which is in the Upajati metre, it is stated that this king Véma gave
birth to two princes called Роѓа and Anavema, and these two princes were born together as
Rama and Lakshmana, but unlike Rama and Lakshmana, they were born of the same mother.

In the 16th verse, which is in the Upajati metre, the two princes, viz., Pata and
Апауёта are described. It is stated that they were equal to Indra who is called Purandara
and to Vishnu who is called as Upendra, which is the name for the ‘Vamanavdtara’ of the
Lord. Itis also stated here, that these two princes, had the greatness of giving, whereas
the other two viz. Indra and Vamana, had only the power of accepting gifts.

In the 17th verse, which is in the Upendravajra metre, the description of the generosity
of Vema is continued further, and he is described as having performed innumerable gifts of
land or ‘Asankhya Bhiadana’, and thereby acquired glory and fame equal to that of Purandara
or Indra.

In the 18th verse which is in the Anushtup metre, it is stated, that generally in the
world, if one has an inclination to give gifts, one does not have enough knowledge, and if
one has enough knowledge, he does not have any inclination to make gifts, whereas in the
case of king Véma, both these qualities were present together.

In the 19th verse which is in the Sardülavikridita metre, a description is given of the
rule of the king Anavéma. It is stated that the-king had the title of Virasri Jaganobba

100 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

Ganda’. He is also described as being sung in verse and in prose, which are beautiful, and
as bearing a flag which is fearful like that of Virabhadra.

In the 20th verse which is in Vasantatilaka metre, the description of the valour of
Anavema is continued. It is stated here, that as soon as the enemy kings heard the fearful
sound made by the ‘Jaitra Bhzri' of this king, they left off all their hopes for living in this
world, along with the water that came flowing out of the eyes of their beloved, the idea being
that merely on hearing the fearful sound of the Bhéri of Anavema, all the enemy kings, gave
up their hopes of further life, and because of that, their beloved started shedding tears.

In the 21st verse, which is in the Upajati metre, a further description of Anavema is
given and he is described as a *Rudramürti for his ememy kings, and as having established
firmly his fame by his boundless gifts and as encouraging the Brahmins in their sacrificial
acts. .

In the 22nd verse which is in the Upajati metre, a further description of Anavema is
given and he is stated as equalin his glory to the Moon. The phrase used here is ‘Raja
Samana Teja’ and the Raja obviously refers to the Moon. Тһе, king is described further
as devoted to the worship of the Dévas and the Brahmanas.

In the 23rd verse which is in the Sardalavikridita metre, the actual date of the grant
is mentioned, It is stated that in the Saka year represented by Indu or Moon which
represents number one, Pura of the Tripura which represents number three, and Abhra and
Kha which both indicate the sky which prepresents zero, i.e., in Saka 1300, corresponding
to the cyclic year *Kalayukti', in the ‘Margasira Parva’ and on a Saturday or a Mandavasara,
this king Vema granted the village ‘Pedapalakalarunagari’, so that it may stand permanently
till the moons and the stars, to the great Pandit Ahobala Sudhi, on the occasion of a
chandragrahana.

In the 24th verse which is in the Pushpitagra metre, the description of the grantee 15
given. It is stated that the king granted it to Ahobala Pandita thinking in his mind, that this
Ahobala Pandita resides at Pedapalakalurunagari even as Nrisimhamürthi lives in Ahobala.

In the 25th verse which is in the Indravajra metre the exact location of Pedapalakalür
is given. It is stated to be in the Saivabhage or Папуа or the north-east direction of
Srikundinipattana and to the Asura dik or Nairüti or south-west direction of Sri Mangaladri
and as being situated to the south of the river Krishna. The 26th and last verse in Anushtup.
metre says that the names, and Gotras of the grantees are then mentioned.

With the above description the verse portion ends and the grant gives the Gatra and
the names of all the grantees to whom the village was given. After this is-given fully the
description of the boundaries of the village in 108 lines.

The grant is obviously one of Апауёта Reddi who is the third king among the Konda-
vidu Reddis and who ruled from 1364 A.D. to 1386 A.D. The date of the grant is given as

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDI KINGS OF KONDAVIDU 191

Saka 1300 or 1378 A.D. corresponding to cyclic year Kalayukti, the date of the grant being
Saturday, on a Chandragrahana on the Pournami day of the Margasira month. The month
of the grant is described as ‘Saha Marga’ and Saha Marga is another synonym for Marga or
Margasira month. The word ‘Parvani’ thus obviously stands for Pournima, and the plate
clearly describes that the date was ‘Mandavasara’ or a Saturday and the occasion Was a
Chandragrahana, or ап eclipse of the moon. It is seen that 1378 A.D. corresponds exactly
to Kalayukti which is stated to be its cyclic year. The Margasira Pournima of this year
according to the lunar reckoning of the months which is prevalent in the Andhra area, falls
on 4th December 1378 A.D. It is also seen that 4th December 1378 A.D. was a saturday,
and that there was a lunar eclipse on that day. Hence 4th December, 1378 A.D. corres-
ponding to the Margasira Pournami, on which a lunar eclipse occured and which corresponds
to Saturday is the date of the grant. The details given in the grant so correctly tally, that
there is no doubt about the date of the grant.

The date of the grant is 1378 A.D. which falls well within the limits of Anavéma’s
reign who ruled for 1364 A.D. to 1386 A.D. as can be seen from the chronology of the
Kondavidu king given elsewhere in this volume.

In the grant, Prola is mentioned and Annamamba his queen is also mentioned. Vema
who is described as the ‘Vamsakarta’ in other plates, is not mentioned in this. After Prola
and Annamamba five sons viz., Macha, Угта, Dodda, Anna and Malla are mentioned, which
tally with the five names mentioned elsewhere. Out of these, Vema is eulogised in several
verses in this grant, and the Puvvada grant of this king Vema has been published elsewhere
in this volume. This king Vema is said in this grant to have given birth to two princes
Pota and Anavema. Obviously this Pota refers to Anavota the second king of the Kondavidu
line of kings and to Anavema the giver of the present grant. From other sources we know
that a daughter by name Doddambika was also born to Véma, but she is not mentioned any-
where in this grant. The grant is therefore obviously that of Anavéma, who is the third
king counting from Vzma, who can be said to be the first historical ruler of the
Kondavidu Reddis.

In this grant the origin of the Kondavidu line of kings has been given and it is stated
that Prola who is probably the first king of the Kondavidu line sprang out of the Chathurtha-
kula or the Sidra caste, from thc ocean of the family of Panta Reddis even as a moon raised
from the sea. Тһе exact words used in the grant are ‘Sri Pantareddanvaya Vardhi Chandra
Stasmadabhut Prolavasundharadhipah’ . It is thus clear that the Kondavidu Reddis belong to the
Panta Reddi clan. The late K. V. Lakshmanarao was of the opinion, that just as many
territorial divisions like Valanadu, Véginadu, Ағиугін etc. have given rise to divisions or
Sakhas among the Brahmins like Velanati, Veginati, Aruvela sects, it is probable that even
among the fourth caste, or the Chathurtha Varna, the communities might have derived their

192 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

names from their affinity to the territorial divisions. This is not unlikely since there are
Pakanati Brahmins, as well as Pakanati Kapus, both deriving their name from the territory
in which they were living. In the same way, it may therefore be inferred that Panta Reddis
or the Panta Kapus must have derived their name, from some territory which must have
been named as Pantanüdu. We have now to fix what is the most probable region for this
Pantanadu. At Kanchipuram there is an inscription of Tammusiddhi son of Errasiddhi' where
a district named Panta Rashtra is mentioned, whose headquarters was given as Muttiyam-
pakkam and in which a gift was made to Lord Hastisaila. If Muttiyampakkam is to be identi-
fied with the present village of Muttumbaka of the Gadar taluk of Nellore district, as has
been suggested by Sri Mallampalli Somasekhara Sarma,? then the area round about Gudur
should have been the ancient Panta Rashtra. Thus the Kondavidu Reddis should have origi-
nally lived round about Gudur of the Nellore District, and must have gradually spread to
the west and to the east.

In the present grant Anavema Reddi has been praised as having the Biruda Jaganobba
Ganda. The phrase used is ‘Virasri Jaganobba Gonda Birudanchat'. This title along with
the other like ‘Appayya-Gopayya-Disapatta-, are found in the other Kondavidu records also.
The origin for these Birudas isto be found in the customs and manners prevalent in
the medieval ages, in which the victor in a battle assumed to himself the title of the
vanquished, to indicate the latter's complete subjugation. The defeated king could
not resume the title unless he retrieved his position by defeating the victor again in battle.
We learn from the inscription of the Hoyasalas of Dwarasamudra that Appayya and Gopayya
were two able Dandanayakas or generals of the Hoyasala king Vira Nrisimha-II (1220-1235
A.D.). These two generals Appayya and Goppayya were sent by the king Vira Nrisimha
Deva-II, to chastise the Kadava chieftain Kopperunjinga who had imprisoned ће Chola
emperor Raja Raja-III (1216-1257 A.D.) The Telugu Choda known as Choda Tikka waged
war against Vira Мгізітһа-П, as well as against his son Someswara, known as Karnata
Somesa. For example Tikkana Somayaji the Telugu poet in his work 'Nirvachanottara
Ramayana’ states that Choda Tikka subdued the Karnata Someswara. The ancestors of
Kondavidu Reddis who were in the service of Chada Tikka must have taken an active part in
the war against Vira Nrisimha, and it must have been at this period, that the Reddi chief-
tains shoud have defeated Appayya and Goppayya and assumed their titles. The Kondavidu,
Reddis thus got the titles of Dandinagova Jaganobba Ganda or Jaganobbaganda, and
Ayyayya-Gopayya-Disapatta’ as a heritage from their forefathers, who had defeated Vira,
Somesvara or Karnata Someáa.

1. Epigrapbia Indica Vol. VII, p. 152.
2. History of the Reddi Kings of Mallampalli Somasekhara Sarma, p. 58.

(25) INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDI KINGS OF KONDAVIDU 193

The village that was granted in this grant is Pedapalakalüru, and the location of the
village has been given in the grant as lying to the north-east or Ёйпуа of Srikundini Pattana
which is another name for Kondavidu, and to the south-west or the Asura dik or Nairuti of
Mangaladri, which is the same as Mangalagiri, and as being situated on the southern banks
of the river Krishna. The modern village Pedapalakalaru exactly tallies with the descrip-
tion given above and obviously therefore that village is the subject matter of the grant.
This is clear from the description of the location of the village in the grant, apart from the
fact that the copper plate itself was discovered in that village.

In the grant it is stated that the village was given to Ahobala Pandita. From the
eulogistic description of Ahobala Pandita given in the grant, it is clear that he must have
been a great Pandita and a well learned and pious man. |

The king gave the village as ап Agrahara grant, to Ahobala Pandita thinking in his
mind, that the Pandita is like the very incarnation of Lord N risimha himself of Peda-
palakalüru. Tt is also stated that the village was entrusted to Ahabala Pandita, and that
Ahobala Pandita belongs to the Haritasa Gotra and that he was the great grand son of
Mahadéva Somayaji, grandson of Visvanatha Dikshita and son of Vyasa Bhattaraka. The
grant further goes to give the descriptions of the 8 other grantees to whom the 8 parts into
which the village was divided was given. At the end of the description of each grantee, it is
stated that along with it, Ahobala Pandita the main grantee was given one part. In other
words, the names of 8 Bralunins are given as having received one share, and along with
them Ahobala Pandita is said in the grant to have received one share with each one of the
Brahmins. Thus the village would appear to have been divided into sixteen parts, of which
one part each was given 8 different Brahmins, and one part along with each of the Brahmins,
i.e. 8 parts in all were given to Ahobala Pandita. Ahobala Pandita being the largest grantee,
would appear to have been given the management of the 4 grahara village. The names of
the 8 different Brahmins with their genealogy apart from that of Ahobala Pandita whose
genealogy is given above, are stated in the grant to be as follows :

5. Мо. Name of the grantee Gotra Ga % father बत бае
1. Tirumala Dikshita Goutamasa Mrutyunjayavadhani Bhavani Sankararya
2. Venkata Bhattaraka Koundinyasa Ramesvara Yajva Kondavadhani
3. Padmanabha Dikshita | Moudgalyasa Sadasiva Dikshita Madhavabhatta
4, Lakshmana Bhatta Bharadvajasa — Visvesvara Dikshita | Gangadharabhattaraka
5. Ramavadhani Parasara Raghunatha Dikshita Timma Yajva
6. Venkatavadhani Kasyapasa Sadasiva Dikshita Ramakrishna Dikshita
7. Mallavadhani Atreyasa Lakshminarayana Chandrasekhara Dikshita
8. Lakshminarayana Bharadvajasa — Nrisimha Dikshita Sarvabhatta

——M—

194

COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

The boundaries of the village are given in Telugu or the Desabhasha and the bounda-
ries have been given for nearly half the length of the plate in very great detail. The
boundaries are as follows :

DESCRIPTION OF THE BOUNDARIES OF THE VILLAGE

To the North East is a Toka tree.

From there if one proceeds North and takes a turn to the South there will be a
big Jammi tree.

If one proceeds further there will be a Kambam.

If one proceeds further there will be Sareddi Kunta.

1n the Northern end of the Sareddi Kunta there will be a Muyilla Kambam
(probably meaning a trijunction stone).

If one goes South from there, there will be ‘Velisela Gumpu'.

If one proceeds further through a Kambam, there will be Relalagumpu.

If one proceeds further there will be an Are tree.

If one proceeds further there will be Vavilla Kunta.

There will be a Kambam at the Northern end of the Vavilla Kunta.

If one goes further South there will be Jammula Dibba’.

If one proceeds further there will be ‘Pedavelagalw’.

Beyond Pedavelagalu there will be a Rallagunta.

To the South of the above Rallagunta, there will be Mipurapu Kambam.

If one goes further South viz., Velisela Dibba, and a Kambam, there will be
Veluturukadumu.

Then there will be Pedda Gotti.

1f one proceeds further, there will be Vallabhaya Kunta.

On the east of the Vallabhaya Kunta there will be a *Muyulla Kambam'.

From there, if one proceeds on the South bank, facing the West, there will be a
Kambam. ।

If one goes further, there will be *Parireddi Kunta’ and a Jammi in it.

If one goes towards South-West from there, there will be Nelagunti.

There will be a Kambam to the North-West of the Nelagunti.

If one goes South frora there, there will be a Vadlvani Kunta.

From there, if one goes South, beyond Guntur Teravu, there will be Velisela
Dibba.

To the South of the Velisela Dibba, there will be а Kambam.

If one proceeds further south, there will be Mudi Jammi or an old Jammi tree.
From there, if one goes East and takes a turn to the South-East. there will be

28.
29.
30.

31.
32.
33,

34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.

47.
48.
49.

50

51.
52.

23.
54.

55.
56.
57.
58.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDI KINGS OF KONDAVIDU 195

Mila Kambam.

From there one has to go to Dakshinasima.

From there if one goes towards West, there will be Ramila Gumpu.

If one goes to the South of the Remila Gumpu, there will be the Kuruma Ramanaya
Chenu or field.

By the field will be Vogikenu Kambam.

If from there one goes West crossing the Nallapatiteravu there will be Kambam.
If from there, one goes crossing Bayyavarapu Teravu there will be a big ant-hill
to the West.

If from there one goes West, there will be three stones.

If one crosses them, there will be a Ralla Padaya.

There will be a corner to its West.

If from there one goes West there will be a Sivamapu.

If one goes north from here there will be an ant-hill.

To the West of the ant-hill, there will be a Padigetala Kambam.

To the North-West of the North hill, there will be a Kambam.

From there if one goes east, there will be Puligunta.

To the South of Püligunta is a Kambam.

If one proceeds further, there is Pandirigunta.

If one goes to North-East, there will be Mulla Muramu.

If one proceeds further, there will be a Kambam.

From there, if one goes North, crossing Kondaviti Teravu there will be a Kambam
to the North.

If one proceeds further, there will be a Kambam.

If one proceeds further North, there will be a Kambam in Garalagumpu.

If one goes West along the southern edge of the above Dibba, there will be
Padamara Dibba.
There will be a Kambam to the South-East of the Padamaradibba.

If from that Triune Junction one goes North, there will be Peda Cheruvu.

If from there one goes beyond garla Dibba, there will be found Mallavarapu
gutta.

There will be a Kambam to the East of the above Gutta.

If one goes to the North from there, there will be Mallavaram.

There will be a Kambam to the South-East of Mallavaram.

If one goes North, there will be a Kambam to the North-East of Mallavaram.

If one goes North from there, there will be Nagulaputta.

If one goes further there will be a Jammi and a Kambam at its beginning to the

106

59,

60,
61.
62.
. 63.
64.

65.
66.
67.
68.
69.

70.

71.

72.
73.
74.
75.
76.
71.

78.
79.
80.
81.
82.
83.

84.

85.
86.
87.

COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

North of Chakivagu.

If one goes further, there will be a Kambam where the stream flows into Pandi
Chakivagu to the East.

If one goes further, there will be a Kambam.

If one goes from there, there will be Nela Jammulu.

If one goes further, there will be Gopigundla.

If one goes to the South-West from there, there will be a triune junction.

If from there one goes to North-West, there will be a Kambam in the Damarlapalle
Teravu.

If one goes further East, there will be a triune junction.

If from there one goes South, there will be a Kambam in Chalagundla.

If one goes further, there will be Malagundla.

If one goes to the East side, and goes further East there will be a Kambam.

If one goes further crossing Chakivagu, flowing to the South-East, there will be
a Kambam to the East.

From there if one proceeds South-East, there will be Jammula Dibba and a
Kambam in it.

If from there one goes up to the Раайағари Trova, and proceeds North in that
route there will be a Kambam.

From there if one goes East, there will be a Kambam.

lf from there one goes to the North there will be Tollamadugu.

There will be a Kambam to the East of the Tollamadugu.

If from there one goes to the East, there will be a Kambam.

If one goes to the North from there, there will be Paditarapu Chandalavatika.

If from there one goes to the South-East, there will be a Kambam in the Gujjari-
gandla teravu.

If from there one goes to the East there will be the Peda Jammi.

If from there one goes North there will be Nallaputta.

If from there one goes North there will be Tella (White) Putta.

If one proceeds further there will be Vari gunta.

From there, there will be a Kambam to the South-West of Varigunta.-

If from there one goes to North-East there will be a Kambam to the West of
Garlamadugu.

From there if one goes to the West, and takes a turn to the North-East, there
will be a Kambam.

If one-goes further North-East, there will be Vankamadugu.

If from there one goes West, there will be a Kambam in the Regula gumpu.

From there if one goes to the East, there will be Timmacheruvu.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDI KINGS OF KONDAVIDU 197

88. Iffrom there one gets down into the stream to the East via a Kambam to the
North-East of the Vanamadugu, there will be a Kambam.

89. If from there one goes to the North, there will be a Kambam.

90. If from there one proceeds to North, there will be a Kambam.

91. If one proceeds further North, there will be a Kambam.

92. If one goes further North, crossing a route there will be Gummalakunta.

93. If one proceeds along the bund of the Gummalakunta, to the North through the
Muyüallakambam on the Eastern edge and proceeds to the East, there will be
Velisela dibba.

94, If one proceeds further, there will be a Kambam.

95. If one proceds further East,, there will be a Kambam.

96. Iffrom there one goes to the East, there will be a Kambam in the Mangalagirt
Terayu.

97, If one goes in that route, to the North-East, there will be Gapinathapuram.

98. There will be a Kambam on the North-West of the Gopinathapuram

99. If from there one goes facing the East, there will be a Kambam to the North-East
of the Gopinathapuram.

100. If from there one goes East, there will be Toka Chettu from which one started.

A plan of the village has been drawn on the basis of the information given above and
it is reproduced below. The numbers in the plan are identical with the numbers given
above describing each boundary.

The boundaries given above are very interesting since they give us a complete idea of
the village bounderies that were existing during the time of Kondavidu Reddis.: From a
perusal of the map, it would appear that the limits or the boundaries of the village were all
fixed by means of stones whose location was fixed by their proximity to trees or Kuntas or
small pondsetc. It has been suggested by Sri Mallampalli Somasekhara Sarma that one of
the customs prevalent in medieval times was to allow a devotee carrying a flame dedicated
to the God on his head in a pot to roam about blind-folded with his eyes being bound by a
cloth. Wherever his peregrinations took him they were demarcated as the boundaries of the
village. The fact that the boundaries of the present record are so irregular in shape, would
appear to lend full support to the above theory.

Anavema the present grantor was a famous and able ruler. He gave a number of
Agraharas to brahmins as is evidenced by his Ippugallu, Drjjavaram, Nadupüru, Vanapalli,
Kollaru, Manyamapuram and Pedacheraküru grants. He set up feeding houses for the poor
etc. іп many holy places. He wasa great Saivite worshipper, and many Cafu verses that
still exist speak to his generosity and liberality. The great Telugu poet Vennelakanti Surana
the author of the Vishnu Purana extols this king Anavéma as one who gave his support to

198 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

the Brahmins, his Birudas to the nobles of the Panta clan, and his political wisdom to his
people,

So తన (బదుకు భూమిసురులకు
దన బిరుదులు పంటవంశ ధరణీశులకున్‌
దన నయము భూమి (ప్రజలకు
ననవేమన ०0) కీర్తి నధికుం డగుచున్‌.

(Vishnu Purana Introduction)

The present grant is another evidence of the generosity of this king and is also very
important in as much as it gives us complete and detailed information about the boundary
demarcation of the village that was granted at the time of the Kondavidu Reddis.

A PLAN OF THE PEDAPALAKALURU VILLAGE DRAWN AS PER THE DETAILS
GIVEN IN THE GRANT

|

i
9। 92 93 94 96

E
63

TEXT AND PLATES
OF

THE PEDAPALAKALURU PLATES OF ANAVEMAREDDI OF
THE KONDAVIDU LINE OF KINGS

200

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Read as महोन्नत 2. Read as स्वभूवछभा - 3. ‘Read as पृथिवी

1.

COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

- | FIRST PLATE: FIRST SIDE
श्री. नीलकंठाय नमः | तनोतु जगतां शुभं mg
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ळ्याणं ते दिशतु सततं देवतासार्वभौमो ae
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‚ ` वनीविशेषविचरत्केलीमराली मह छीचक्राख्यशर्तागम

ध्यविल्सद्विदुस्थिता dar । या पैश्चप्रणवांबु

रुण्मघुकरी सर्वोघविध्वंसिनी साव्यांन्मंत्रमयी सु
राश्रितपदांभोजातयुग्मा शिवा (3) क्रीडाळोलविलो
लबालकमलालोलालिलीलालसतादाग्रानमदादिते
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लढ्धवेभवभवाजमुख्यामरा सुधांबुनिधिकन्यकाघ

नघनाघन श्रीकचा (5) तमो हरेतां तव पुष्पवंतौ राका
ुपूर्वापरशेलमाजो मिवदर्शयंतो

पुरा पुरारेः प्रथ्वी रथस्य (6) यस्मादुघ्ि*तरेणुभिर्मुनिसतीशा
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बुधानां गणस्तस्मा द्विष्णुपदांबुजादुदभवद्वर्णोगुणार्णो निधिः (7)
विनिर्मिता विश्वसूजा 54812848 4015414 सारभूतः |

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4. Thecorrectwordis 559

Plate XII (a)

THE PEDAPALAKALURU PLATES OF ANAVEMAREDDI

First Plate: First Side

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Plate XII (0)
THE PEDAPALAKALURU PLATES OF ANAVEMAREDDI

First Plate: Second Side |

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FIRST PLATE: SECOND SIDE ,

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द्रि्वमानदाननिरतो धर्मप्रतिष्टा(ष्ठा)गुरु: |

am शासति पाकशासननिमे सर्वा? महीमंडळं |
पर्यंत पे($)रपुषान्‌ (षन्‌) चिराय TAA (+) -भागेस्सुरान्भू
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गोदावरी (=) vu: किल वेमभूतरूपतिस्साराग्रहम

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मति (:) श्रीवेमा (म) प्रथ्वीपतिः | येन श्रीगिरिरप्यहोबलं
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यशस्तंभावलं भूतले (13) वेमक्षितीशो वृषमेकपा |

दें gasak कलिकाळदोषात्‌ | दत्ताग्रह (Т) रा (र)
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चेन्नास्ति म्ञा(ज्ञा)तृत्वम्‌ ग्मा(ज्ञा)तृतास्ति चेत्‌ (|) वदान्या नास्त |
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SECOND PLATE: FIRST SIDE

గన भांकारभेखरवश्रवण

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Plate XII (c)

THE PEDAPALAKALURU PLATES OF ANAV EMAREDDI

Second Plate: First Side

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THE PEDAPALAKALURU PLATES OF ANAVEMAREDDI

Second Plate: Second Side

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ता । ग्रौतमसगोत्र: भवानीशंकरायेपोत्र: quis
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SECOND PLATE: SECOND SIDE

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क्षितपुत्र: लक्ष्मीनारायण एकभागः | 844 अष्टमो
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COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

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THE PEDAPALAKALURU PLATES OF ANAVEMAREDDI

Third Plate: Second Side

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యి పొయి పులిగుంట దతిణాన Хого [ao] మీదు

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చి మరింని వుత్తరం వోయిన గారల గుంపున

కంబం అందుండి పడమర మొగమయి ది.

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ందుండి వు తరం పోగో నాగులపుట మీదుగా
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DS 7855095 ४०७० మీదుగా 'మరి
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నూ అందుండి Ano పోగా చాలుగుండ్లలొని
కంబం మీదుగా మూ లగుండ్లనూ తూర్పు

205

206 COPPER PLATE INCSRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

164. చట్టున మోచి తూర్పు మొగమయి పొగా ४०७०
165. మీదుగా పొయి వుత్తరం పొయ్యె చాకిచా

166. గుచాటి ఆ తూర్పుభాగాన "క oa(o) అందుండి ఆ
167. RTPS మొగమయిపొగా జంముల దిబ్బను కం
168. ayo మీదుగా తూర్పు gm 52859) er ( 87 ys
169. దనుకా వెళ్లి ఆ (తొవను వుత్తరం పోయిన కంబం
170. అందుండి తూర్పు మొగమయి పోయిన కంబం మొ
111. చి అందుండి వుత్తరం పోయిన తొళ్లమడుగు తూ
172. CVS ४०७० అందుండి తూర్పు మొగమయి పొగా
178. &oeyo అంద్దుండి వుత్తరం పొగా పడితరపుచం
114. wre వాటిక ex (గ్న్రేయాన గుజ్జరిగండ్ల. తెరవున
175. Кого మొచి తూర్పు మొగమయి పోయిన "ెద్దజం

FOURTH PLATE: FIRST SIDE
176. మి అందుండి వుత్తరం వోగా Se xb మీ
ITT. боп» ఆవుత్తరాన воху పుట్ట మీదు.
178. గా వరిగుంట 905989 бого S2 eo:
179. దుండి యీశాంన్య మొగ(మృయి పొగా గార
180. మడుగు ४४१७७१७ ४०७० మీదుగా వం
181. దురు తూర్పు వట్టుకుని మరింని యీశాం
182. Sgo వోయిన ४०७० మీదుగో మరింని యీ
188. శాంన్యం:'వోయిన ४०७० మీదుగా మరింని
184. యీశాంన్యం వోయిన వంకమడుగు ७४७७०
185. న Bro గుంపులొని Хово మోచెనూ అం
186. దుండి తూర్పు మొగమయి తింమ చెరువు
181. 68705,5 వచ్చె కాలువలొనికి GA. ఆ వంకమ :
188. డుగు యీశాంన్యపు వోడ్డున వుంన Кого.
189. మీదుగా дод ర్తు(తూర్వు).వోగా ४०७०' మీదు
190. గా మరింని-తూర్పు వోయిన ४०६० మొచి ө(оу
191. దుండి వుత్తర మొగమయి ४०७० మీదుగా

Plate XII (8)

THE PEDAPALAKALURU PLATES OF ANAVEMAREDDI

Fourth Plate: First Side

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THE PEDAPALAKALURU PLATES OF ANA VEMAREDDI

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సొదరీ అంన్వ( ©) దతాచ మా తాస్వా(స్యా) ద్విపద
తా వనుంధరా п చాన పాలన యోర్మ ८ BS)

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207

SECTION VI

THE PALLAVAS

CHAPTER XVIII

THE VESANTA GRANT OF PALLAVA SIMHAVARMA

This set of copper plates was discovered in the village of Jalalpuram of Sattenapalli
taluk of Guntur district by Sri Puvvada Tirupatiah while digging for foundations for
his compound wall. Information was brought to me about its discovery and immediately
at my request the Joint Collector, Guntur, Sri N. Narayanaswamy, LA.S., and Sri Gulam
Jilani, the Revenue Divisional Officer, Guntur moved very promptly and quickly in the
maíter and retrieved the copper plate grant in time before it could disappear. The plates
have been brought to the Andhra Pradesh Government Archaeological Museum at
Hyderabad and are now on display in the epigraphy section of the Museum.

There are five copper plates in this grant held together by a ring. The copper plates
weigh 968 grams. The ring and the seal weigh 280 grams. The outer sides of the first and
the last plates bear no letters. The edges of the plates are all smooth and not raised. The
plates measure 17 cms. x 7 cms. The plates are of uniform thickness. The ring is
held together by a seal. The diameter of the ring is 7 cms. and its thickness is 0.7 cms.
The ends of the ring are secured on the base of a circular seal. The seal measures 3.5 cms.
in diameter. The seal is very much worn out and though some traces of very faint marks
of a legend or a symbol appear, still nothing is clearly visible. The seal was cut by me in
order to take estampages.

The plates have a total of thirty-three lines of writing spread over as follows :

First plate second side 5 lines
Second plate first side 5 lines
Second plate second side 5 lines
Third plate first side 5 lines
Third plate second side 4 lines
Fourth plate first side 3 lines
Fourth plate second side 3 lines
Fifth plate first side 3 lines

Total 33 lines

212 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

The plates are also numbered on the first plate second side with numeral 1, on the second
plate second side with numeral 2, on the third plate second side with numeral 3 and on the
fourth plate second side with numeral 4. The fifth plate has no marks.

The writing in the plates is identical with those of the Uruvapalli plates! of Yuvamaha-
raja Vishnugopavarman. Numerals are marked on these plates as in the 07౪౮౭4౮, the
Uruvapalli', the Mangadūru and Pikira* grants. The characters may be classed as box-
headed and the box-head may be classed as the false box-head. As is well-known the true
box is formed “by sinking four short strokes in the shape of a square and having a
block of stone or copper in the centre of them". Тһе false box on the other hand is more
simple. The engraver has only to remove a sufficiently large square surface at the head
of each letter. The present grant is clearly a case of false box-head writing. The style of
writing in these plates is more ornate and clear, and the flourishes on the strokes are clearer
and more bold than in similar other grants. The engraver exhibits a tendency to incise the
letters with ornamental flourish rather than in curls as in the Uruvapalli plates. Though
the writing closely resembles that of the other Sanskrit charters of the Pallavas of the
Nellore-Guntur region still the calligraphy in this particular grant is excellent and the
letters are engraved far more boldly and clearly. The flourish in writing seen in all
the letters is to be particularly noticed.

The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and with the exception of the three
imprecatory verses at the end, it is entirely in prose. The grant was written by Raha-
syadhikrita, КаПрройа at the oral command of the king (Swamukhajiapitena Rahasyadhiki-
tena Külippottena Likhitéyam Tamrapattikéti).

The grant gives a genealogy of three kings only, unlike four kings as in the other
similar charters. Moreover the language of the Prasasti employed here is slightly different
from the Prasasti employed in the other grants like the Uruvapalli grant' etc. though it is
clear from a reading of the grant that it definitely belongs to the Sanskrit charters of the
Pallavas of the Nellore-Guntur area. The paleography, and.the find spot also support this
view.

The grant starts with the usual adoration 'Jitam Bhagavato". ‘Let there be victory
to the Lord’, and states that it was issued from Sri Vijaya Kanchipura. Then the Prasasti
proper begins. The grantor is described as the Pautra or the grandson of Sri Vijaya
Viravarma who is described as a great Brahmanya (Parama Brahmanya), who keeps within
the bounds of the injunctions laid down in the Sastras (Vidhi Vihita Sarva Maryadasya),
whose glory is equal to that of Lord Indra, who is the Lord of the Devas, and who as it

1. Indian Antiquary, Vol. V, p. 50.
2. Ep. Ind. Vol. XV, p. 249.

3. Indian Antiquary, Vol. V, p. 154.
4. Ep. Ind, Vol. VIL p. 159,

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE PALLAVAS 213

were, has descended to the earth (Kshititala Avatirna Tridasapati Tulya Prabhavasya), who
had brought under control by his valour the entire circle of kings (Pratapapanata Sarva Raja
Mandalasya) and whose strength and achievement were progressing well (Abhyucchita Sakti
Siddhi Sampannasya). Such was Maharaja Sri Vijaya Viravarma who were the grandfather .
of the grantor.

Then follows a description of the father ofthe donor. The father was Sri Vijaya-
skandhavarma who is described as one whose good-will and anger are like nectar and poison
respectively (Amrita Visha Sama Prasada Kopasya), whose every action is motivated only by a
desire for the progress of the world (Lokopachaya Pravritta Sarva Arambhasya), who delights
the eye and the heart of every one just as the Vasanta Masa does (Vasanta Masa Iva Sarva
Jana Nayana Hridayanandasya), whose arm is strong like the high trunk of an elephant
(Kari Karodara Pina Bhujasya), who rules with his hands the Puras and the Janapadas in
such a manner that the people are highly delighted (Swabhuja Paripalana Atimudita Paura
Janapadasya), who has established by conquering the entire Southern peninsula, his fame
and glory on the banks of the three oceans (Sakala Dakshinapatha Vijaya Yasassamsthapita
Tri Samudra Kulasya), and who is said to be a veritable wonder among the kings (Raja-
dbhütasya). Such was Sri Vijayaskandhavarman who was the father of the grantor.

The grant then goes on to describe the grantor viz. Maharaja Sri Vijayasimhavarman.
The grantor is described as one to whom all auspicious things were added by his good
conduct and devotion to the Lord (Bhagavadbakti Sadbhava Sambhavita Sarva Kalyanah) and
as one to whom the objects of pleasure of the five senses follow closely the will of his mind
(Mano Vasünuga Panchendriya Vishayah). The king is described as keenly desirous of
seeing and serving the elders (Vriddha Darsana Updasanaratih), as endoweed with the fame
and good qualities of the ancient Rajarshis (Pūrva Rajarshi Prabhavaguna Samupagatah), as
brave in addition to the qualities of Sama, Dama and Niyama (Sama, Dama Niyama Dhrita
Dhriti), as having established himself firmly like an unshakable mountain (Kshitidharavara
Sadrisavasthita Sthitih), as having good feelings towards his people and regarding them
without any distinction as his own children (Prajasu Putra Nirantara Pravritta Sauhridah), as
ever ready to uplift the Dharma which had got ruined by the sins of the Kaliyuga (Kaliyuga
Doshavasanna Dharma Uddharana Nitya Sannaddhah), as one from whom disease, anger,
greed, lust and fear had gone away (Vita Roga Rosha Lobha Maha Bhayah) and as one who
was ever intent upon restoring the royal family which had got ruined (Avasanna Raja
Vamsoddharana Savyaparah).

The grant then describes that the king was a veritable tree of refuge to all learned
men (Vasavriksho Vidvajjanasya), an Asraya or refuge for Dharma (Asrayo dharmasya), and
an abode for Lakshmi (Avaso Lakshmyah). He is then stated to be the be all and end all for
all the world (Sarvasvam Jiva Lakasya). Then come afew descriptive phrases which are

214 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

quite common in these Pallava records. The king is described as Bhagavatpadanudhyatah,
i.e., worshipping the feet of the Lord, Bappabhattaraka Райа Bhaktah i.e., a devotee at the
feet of the Bappabhattaraka or the ‘Great Father, a Parama Bhagavata, and as belonging to
. the Bharadvaja Gotra (Bharadvajah). The king is then said to be the Maharaja of the
Pallayas, who were Srivallabhas (Sri Vallabhanam Pallavanam Maharajah) and the Pallavas are
described as having taken several baths in the Avabhritha ceremony of the various Asvamedha
Yajiias performed by them (Angka Asvamedha Avabhritha Snatanam). Such was the king Sri
Vijayasimhavarma who made the grant.

The king ordered the villagers of Vésantagrama in Nadattapadu as follows: The
village after being made into a Brahmadéya was given as a gift to Jyéshtha Sarma, a follower
of the Apastamba Sūtra, belonging to the Gautamasa Gotra. The gift was made along with
the eighteen different Pariharas (immunities) and excluding the plough for the land already
given for the enjoyment of the God (Dévabhoga Halavarjyam). The grant was made for the
progress of the king's Ayuh, Dharma and Vijaya. The king also made an injunction that in
that kingdom all the Mahamatras, Adhyakshas, Rajapurushas and Sancharantas should not
only themselves ensure, but also cause to be ensured, that the orders of the king regarding
the immunities were obeyed. Any sinner who disregarded the royal command, was ordered
to be given physical punishment.

The grant specially mentions that it was issued in the nineteenth year of the victo-
rious regnal era of the king (Asmin Vijaya Rajya Samvatsara Ekonavimsatyam), in the Magha
Masa Sukla Dasami day. The royal command as it was being issued orally by the king,
was written down by his order in copper plates by an officer designated as Rahasyadhikrita
whose name was Külippotta. The grant then ends with the three usual imprecatory verses.

The present grant is a very important and significant one and throws a good deal of
light on the Pallava genealogy and chronology. As is well known there are three main
groups of the early Pallavas as follows :

(a) The Pallavas of the Prakrit charters.
(b) The Pallavas of the Sanskrit charters of the Guntur and Nellore area; and
(c) The Pallavas of the Simhavishnu line.

We have a number of copper plate inscriptions of these kings which furnish several
names. From these, certain schemes of Pallava genealogy and chronology have been
worked out, and certain dates have also been assigned to them by various scholars, but
there is any amount of difference of opinion among them and no two lists tally. Itis also
not settled whether the Ра ауаз of the Prakrit charters and the Pallavas of Sanskrit charters
belong to the same line or not, and also whether the Pallavas of the Guntur-Nellore area are
the same as the predecessors of the Pallavas of the Simhavishnu line ruling from Kanchi.

The present grant supplies a very important and significant clue, which helps

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE PALLAVAS 215

us to resolve a few points that have led to keen disagreement among scholars. The present
grant is obviously one of the Sanskrit charter of the Pallavas of the Nellore-Guntur area
as can be seen from the close similarity of the Prasasti mentioned in the grant with
that of similar other grants like the Uruvapalli: and the Pikira® grants. Also the find
spot which happens to be in the Guntur district bears out the same view. The grant gives
us a genealogy of three kings viz. Viravarma, Skandavarma and Simhavarma in that order,
and states that it was issued from Sri Vijaya Kanchipura.

Hitherto scholars were divided among themselves whether the Pallavas of the Sanskrit
charters from the Nellore Guntur area had ruled from Kanchi or not, and whether they were
the direct ancestors of the Simhavishnu line or not, since none of the plates discovered
hitherto except the Chandalür^ plates, (which is of a later date) mentioned Kanchipura as
the capital of the kings. This fact had led certain scholars to formulate a theory of a
collateral Pallava branch, ruling some where in the Nellore-Guntur area. Dr. Dinesh
Chandra Sircar* and Dr. K. R. Subrahmanyam’ subscribed to this view. The present grant
settles this point beyond doubt. It clearly states at the very beginning itself that the grant
was issued from Sri Vijaya Kanchipura. Thus the doubt whether the Pallavas of the Sans-
krit charters of the Nellore-Guntur area ruled from Kanchipura or not, can be settled once
and for all, and it can be asserted beyond doubt, that they did rule from Kanchipura. To
that extent the present grant has resolved a major point of dispute. When the above view
is accepted, we have to take stock afresh of all the evidence available from the other grants
and work outa genealogy of the early Pallavas on the basis of a single line ruling right
through.

As regards the earliest known Pallava kings of the Prakrit charters, we have only
three copper plate grants viz. the Mayidavolu plates of Sivaskandhavarman’, the Hirahada-
galli plates of Sivaskandhavarman' and the British Museum plates of Queen Charudevi. The
Mayidavolu grant’ was issued by the Yuva Maharaja Sivaskandhavarma of the Bharadwa ja
Gotra of the Pallava family, and records the gift of a village Viripara to the Brahmins in
the Andhrapatha. The record is dated in the fifth tithi of the sixth fortnight of summer in
the tenth year of the reign of Sivaskandhavarma’s predecessor. Тһе Hirahadagalli' grant
records that Sivaskandhavarma of Kanchi belonging to the Bharadwaja Gotra confirmed and
enlarged in the eighth year of his reign, a grant made formerely by the great king Bappa (his

Indian Antiquary, Vol. V, p. 50,

Ep. Ind. Vol, VIII, p. 159.

Ep. Ind. Vol. VIII, p. 233.

Successors of Satavahanas, p. 175.

Buddhist Remains in Andhra & Andhra History, p. 104.
Ep. Ind. Vol. VI, p. 84.

Ep. Ind. Vol. I, p. 5.

Ep. Ind. Vol. УШ, p. 143,

9० 9 9 ta 02920

216 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

father) to certain Brahmins residing at Apitti. The third or the British Museum plates of
queen Charudévi' is dated in an illegible year of Vijayaskandhavarma and records an order
by the queen regent on behalf of the heir apparent Vijaya Buddha Varman. The queen
Charudévi is said to be the mother of Buddhayankura. Thus the Mayidavolu grant introduces
Yuva Maharajah Sivaskandhavarman, the Hirahadagalli plates king Sivaskandhavarma,
and the British Museum plates Vijayaskandhavarma, whose son and grandson were
Buddhavarma and Buddhayankura. Yt is clear that Sivaskandhavarma of the Mayidavolu
and Hirahadagalli plates is one and the same. It is also fairly certain that he is the
same as the Vijayaskandhavarma mentioned in the British Museum plates as the name
Skandhavarma is comman to both, and Siva and Vijaya appear like honorary prefixes.
It has to be borne in mind that Buddhavarma and Buddhayankura mentioned in the British
Museum plates need not have ascended the throne, as there is no evidence in the plates
to support this view. A genealogy has been drawn up by late Sri B. V. Krishnarao’
making allowance for a rule by Buddhavarma and Buddhayankura. In the absence of
any specific mention in these plates, such a presumption need not be drawn. Omitting
these, therefore, we can infer that a certain Skandhavarma known as Sivaskandhavarma
or Vijayaskandhavarma was the earliest king of the Prakrit charters of the Pallavas.

In addition to the above three Prakrit grant, we have the information supplied by a
stone inscription viz. the Manchikallu inscription of Pallava Simhavarma. This inscription
was originally noticed by Sri P. Seshadri Sastry of Guntur who had published it
tentatively in 1944 A.D. in the “Journal of Andhra History and Culture" then being issued
from Guntur under the editorship of Dr. M. Rama Rao. I had the good fortune of remov-
ing this inscription from Manchikallu village to my official residence when I was the
District Collector and District Magistrate at Guntur in 1953-55, since I realised the import-
ance of this stone epigraph, as being even earlier than the Prakrit inscriptions of Mayidavolu,
Hirahadagalli and the British Museum plates. However, I was transferred out of Guntur be-
fore I could do anything further in the matter. I have since removed this to the Andhra Pradesh
Government Museum, where it is on exhibit in the epigraphy section. Dr. D. C. Sirkar,
Government Epigraphist has published the above inscription at page 87 of Epigraphia
Indica Volume XXXII Part II, very ably and critically. This Manchikallu inscription gives
us a king Simhavarma who is obviously a predecessor of Sivaskandhavarma of the Mayida-
volu plates. Dr. D. C. Sirkar says about it : ° '

“Considering the proximity between the date of the inscription under study i. e.,
about the close of the 3rd century A.D. and of the Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli plates of

1. Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, - p. 143.
2. A History of the Early Dynasties of Andhra Desa, - p, 250.
3. Ep. Ind, Vol, XXXII, Part II, p. 89.

28) INSCRIPTIONS OF THE PALLAVAS 217

.Sivaskandhavarma i.e. about the first part of the 4th century A.D. as suggested by the
language, it is possible to conjecture that Simhavarma was the father and immediate
predecessor of Sivaskandhavarma. The close resemblence between the paleo graphy and
language of the present grant and those of the Jkshvaku records would further suggest that
it was IKshvakus who were supplanted from the Krishna-Guntur area by the Pallavas......
నన It may be noted that many of the Pallava kings who claim to have been Kaliyuga
Doshavasanna Dharmoddharana Nitya Sannaddhah had reference to the fact that they were
determined to revitalise the brahminical faith which has been encroached upon by heretical
doctrines like Buddhism during the age of the later Satavahanas and the Ikshvakus."

From the above it is clear that Simhavarman of the Manchikallu epigraph is anterior
to Sivaskandhavarman of the Prakrit grants. Thus we arrive at a pedigree of two kings viz.
Simhavarma and Sivaskandhavarma from the early Prakrit grants of the Pallavas.

As regards the approximate date of Sivaskandhavarman of the Prakrit grants, we are
fortunately in a position to assert, that he could not have been earlier than the beginning
of the first quarter, and later than the second quarter of the 4th century A.D. for the
following reasons. The /kshvakus succeeded the Satavahanas in the Krishna Guntur area.
Vasisthiputra Pulamavi son of Gautami Putra Satakarani, is known to have ruled in the
second quarter of the 2nd century A.D. and it would appear that the Andhra country was
under the Satavahana yoke at least up to the beginning of the 3rd century A.D. Thus the
sovereignty of the Ikshvakus over the Andhra Desa would appear to have begun from about
:the end of the first quarter of the 3rd century A.D. Pallava Simhavarma of the Manchikallu
inscriptions who came later can therefore be tentatively placed only at the last decade of
3rd century A.D. or the first decade of the 4th century A.D. since the Pallavas came to
power only after the Ikshvakus, and the Jkshvakus were ruling this tract till the end of the
3rd century A.D. Working from a different angle altogether, from an examination of the
linguistic differences between the grants of Sivaskandhavarma and the records of the Ikshvaku
kings, like the Pallava grants expressing compound consonants in two letters instead of
single letters etc. Dr. D. C. झाल्या has come to the same conclusion viz. that Sivaskandha-
varma could not have ruled earliar than the beginning of the 4th century A.D.

On the other hand, we have the evidence of a king Vishnugopa of Kanchipura
(КапеһеуаКа Vishnugopa) who resisted Samudragupta's march to the south, as is seen from
the Allahabad pillar inscription’ of Samudragupta. Samudragupta is generally believed to
have reigned from Circa 330-375 A.D., and we can thus roughly date the expedition of
Samudragupta to the south as 350 A.D. Hence the Kancheyaka Vishnugapa or the Vishnugopa
of Kanchi referred to in the Allhabad inscription must have been a Pallava king who should

1, ‘Successors of Satavahands, р. 166.
2. Fleet, Cor. Insc., Ind., Vol. IN, p. 1-17.

218 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

have suceeded Skandhavarma of the Prakrit charters. Thus these two factors viz. the end of `
the Ikshyaku rule being not earlier than the end of the 3rd century A.D. and the reign of

Vishnugopa of Kanchi falling roughly in 350 A.D. corresponding to Samudragupta’s invasion

of the South, give us two firm dates within which the date of Simhavarma of the Manchikallu

inscription and the date of Sivaskandhavarma of the Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli inscrip-

tion should be fitted. We can therefore tentatively fix the last decade of the 3rd century or

290 A.D. as the date of Simhavarman of the Manchikallu inscription and the first decade of `
the 4th century A.D. or 310 A.D. as the date of Sivaskandhavarma of the Mayidavolu and

Hirahadagalli inscriptions. This is about the Pallavas of the Prakrit charters.

As regards the Pallavas ofthe early Sanskrit charters, they are known to us mainly
from their own copper plate grants discovered mainly in the Nellore-Guntur area. There
are seven grants of these kings viz. the grant of Ongodu-I, Uruvapalli, Osgodu-II, Pikira,
Mangadir, Vilavetti and Chara, In addition we have the Udayendiram and Chendalaru plates
which are later in time. We have in addition a fragmentary record from Darsi. It is from.
the details given in these that we have to build up a geneology and chronology of the
Pallavas of the Sanskrit charters.

For facility of reference, I have given in a separate chart or the end of the chapter all.
the details regarding the above grants

The Ongodu-I grant was by Vijayaskandhavarma on the 13th day of the 3rd fortnight.
of winter in the 33rd victorious year and gives the following list of kings

Kumaravishnu
Skandhdvarma-1
Viravarma
యు оаа
The Uruvapalli grant of Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopa was issued inthe 11th year of a king:
Simhavarma and mentiones the following kings
Skandhavarma-I
Viravarma
йан данада
Yuvamahara j Vishnugopa

Three more grants viz. Ongodu-IJ, the Pikira and Mangadar grants carry the above-
for one generation more, and introduce Simhavarma, the son of Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopa:
of the Uruvapalli grant.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE PALLAVAS 519

Thus the genealogy given by Ongodu-I, Uruvapalli, Ongodu-II, Pikira and M angadür
'grants may be combined as below. |
Kumaravishnu

ळय कळा
Viravarma
Skandhavarma-II
Yuvamahara » Vishnugopa

Simhavarma

There now remains the king Simhavarma in whose reign Yuva Maharaja Vishnugopa
issued the Uruvapalli grant. Dr. Fleet who edited this suggested that Simhavarma in whose
reign the grant was issued might have been an elder brother of Yuva Maharaja Vishnugopa.
But Dr. Hultzsch while editing the Pikira grant of Simhavarman instead of accepting the
above suggestion of Dr. Fleet that Simhavarma of the Uruvapalli grant was an unknown
‘elder brother of Vishnugopa, suggested that he was perhaps Vishnugopa's son. He wrote
‘as follows’:

‘The term Yuvamaharaja or Yuvaraja which is prefixed to Vishnugapa not only in this
Uruvapalli grant, but in the two grants of his son Simhavarman, suggests that he never
ascended the throne, but that the succession passed from his father Skandhavarman-IT to his
son Simhavarman. The reason of this need not have been premature death. If it is assumed
that Vishnugopa declined to take up the reigns of government, or was prevented from doing
so, by some other reason unknown, he may well have been alive during the reign of his son
Simhavarman to whose eleventh year I would assign - Laghavat as an Indian philosopher
will say - the grant.’

However several other scholars like Sri Mallampalli Somasekhara Sarma* and others
were inclined to agree with the view of Debreuil and Dr. Fleet by taking Simhavarma as the
elder brother of Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopa for various reasons. The present Vesanta grant of
Simhavarma settles this problem beyond any doubt. This grant is given by king Simhavarma
son of Skandhavarma and grandson of Viravarma. Nowhere else in the genealogy of the
Pallavas do we have a pedigree of Viravarma, Skandhavarma and Simhavarma in that order,
unless we take Simhavarma as the elder ruling brother of Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopavarma of
the Uruvapalli grant. In view of this fact viz. that the chronology of three kings as is
mentioned in the Vasanta grant, is not found anywhere else except by positing Simhavarman
as the elder brother of Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopa we can have no possible doubts that the

1. Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII p. 160-161.
2. Journal of the Madras University, Vol XII, No. 1. p. 135

220 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

conjecture of Dr. Fleet is quite correct. It is a great tribute to the abilities of Dr. Fleet
that his conjectures which were based upon more probabilities have now been proved by
incontrovertible evidence to be absolutely correct. The present grant is therefore the first
and the only known grant of king Simhavarma the brother of Vishnugopa of the Uruvapaili
grant. The genealogy drawn up already can now be expanded as follows:

Kumaravishnu

Skandhavarma-I
Viravarma

|
Skandhavarma-1I
|

| Ё
Simhavarma-I Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopa

Simavarma-11

The Chura grant! was given by a Vishnugopavarma who was the son of Simhavarma,
grandson of Mahara jah Vishnugopavarma and the great grandson of Skandhavarma. This
information closely tallies with the genealogy worked above, if we identify Skandhavarma-II
in the above pedigree, with the great grandfather of the Chura grant, Yuvamaharaja Vishnu-
gopa of the pedigree with the grandfather of the Chura grant, Simhavarma-II of the pedigree
with the father of the Chura grant, and insert Vishnugopa-II as the son of Simhavarma-II of
the above pedigree. Combining thus the information of the Chura grant with the infor--
mation of all other grants we can formulate the following genealogy.

Kumaravishnu
Skandhavarma-I
Viravarma

Stands అ
|

біл нісі Y FR Vishnugopa-I
Simhavarma-II
गळ ळ्या

The above can now be accepted as authentic and correct, since it satisfies all the

information given in all the known records of the Pallava kings. The doubt whether
Simhavarma of the Uruvapalli grant was a reigning monarch or not, has now been settled

1. Mad, Ep. Rep. for 1914, Part II, p. 82.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE PALLAVAS. 201

by the present Vésanta grant beyond doubt, as the grant itself was issued. by king Simka-
varma in his 19th year.

We have now to consider the information given by the Chendalür' and the
Udayéndiram* plates. Hitherto scholars like Dr. K. R. Subrahmanyam, Dr. Fleet, Dr. S.
Krishnaswami Iyengar, Dr. R. Gopalan and others who have been working on this
problem have tried to adjust the kings known from the Chendalür and the Udayendiram
grants to the early kings of the Sanskrit charters leading to a lot of difficulties and contro-
versies. For the first time Dr. D. С. Sircar correctly tagged on the kings of the Chendalar
and the Udayendiram grants to the later kings just before the Simhavishnu line? and did not
Attempt to adjust them among the earlier kings of the Sanskrit charters from Nellore-Guntur
area. Тһе reason for this was based on paleographical evidence, according to which the
writing of these plates in much later. In fact the Udayendiram plates which were edited
by Dr. Kielhorn were declared by him as spurious, as the writing was decidedly later in
time, though other scholars are inclined to accept it as а genuine grant given at а later
time. The paleography of the Chendalür plate also shows that it is much later in origin.

The Chendalür grant gives a list of four kings as follows :

Skandhavarma
Қона dor
ప పి
ణా

The Udayendiram grant gives us a genealogy of four kings as follows:
Skandhavarma-I

|
Simhavarma
{
Skandhavarma-1I

Nandivarma

Though the names Skandhavarma and Simhavarma appear in Udayendiram grant, still
they cannot be identified with the early kings of the Sanskrit charters, since the Udayendiram
plates were issued by a king Nandivarma who is definitely know from the Vayalur* and
Velürpalayam' inscriptions to be connected with the Simhavishnu line of the later Pallavas.
This shows that they cannot be connected with the early kings of the Sanskrit charters.

р, Ep. Ind. Vol. 1. Ep. Ind. Vol. VIII, p. 233.
3. Ep. Ind. Vol, HI. p. 142.
3. Successors of Satavahanás p. 182.
4, Ep. Indica Vol XVIII. p. 145.
5, S.L L, Vol II, р. 507.

222 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

In this connection we have to bear in mind two very important synchronisms, that are
available to us for fixing the dates of these kings. One is the information given by the
Penukonda grant of Ganga king Madhava', which has been assigned on paleographical
grounds to 475 A.D. The Penukonda grant was issued by the Ganga king Madhava and the
grant states, that he was installed on the throne by the Pallava king Skandhavarma, and that
the Ganga king’s father Ayyavarma was also installed on the throne by the Pallava king
Simhavarma. Since the date of this grant is attributed to 475 A.D. we have to look for two
Pallava kings Simhavarma and Skandavarma somewhere in the close of the 5th century A.D.
It is significant to note that Simhavarma followed by Skandhavarma occurs in that order,
only in ће Udayendiram grant. In no other grant of either the Prakrit, the early Sanskrit
or the later grants of the Pallavas, does a Skandhavarma succeed а Simhavarma. Hence
there is absolutely no doubt that the Simhavarma and the Skandhavarma of the Udayendiram
grant, are the same as the kings mentioned in the Penukonda grant, which has been assigned
on paleographical grounds to 475 A.D.

The other synchronism known to us is from the Jain work Lokavibhaga. According
to this work, its date of completion was the 22nd year ofa Pallava king Simhavarma in
Saka 380 or 458 A.D. The 22nd yeax of the Pallava king Simhavarma thus corresponds to
458 A.D. according to this synchronism, and hence this Simhavarma should have come to
the throne about 436 A.D. As the Udayendiram grant mentions a Simhavarma followed by
a Skandhavarma (as in the Penukonda plates assignable to 475 A.D.), it is clear that the
Simhavarma mentioned here, must be the same whose starting point can be fixed as 436 A.D.
by the Lokavibhaga synchronism.

Moreover the accession of Mahendravarma-I, the famous later Pallava king should
have taken place about the end of the 6th century A.D., owing to his being a contemporary
of the Western Chalukyan king Pulakesin-II, whose date of accession is known to us as
609 A.D. from the Hyderabad grant? Mahéndravarma-I was preceded by his father
Simhavishnu and by his grandfather Simhavarma. The Vayalür record? gives a list of three
kings, between Nandivarma and Simhavarma grandfather of Mahendravarma-I. Since the
name Nandivarma occurs nowhere else, and since the Udayéndiram grant is paleographically
assignable to a later period, wecan equate Nandivarma of this grant with the Nandivarma,
the 44th king mentioned in the Vayalar record. If thisis done there would be five kings
between Nandivarma of Udayendiram grant and Mahendravarma-I. Since the date of
Simhavarma the second king of the Udayéndiram grant has been fixed as 436 A.D. as above
and since Mahéndravarma should have come to the throne round about 600 A.D. there

1. Ep. Indica, Vol XIV. p. 331
2. Indian Antiquary, Vol. VI, p. 72.
3. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XVIII, p. 145,

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE PALLAVAS 223

would be eight kings between 436 A. D. and 600 A.D. by putting together the information
in the Udayendiram grant, and the Vayalur inscription. This is not unreasonable and is
quite probable. Hence the kings of the Udayendiram grant must have ruled immediately
before the later Pallavas, and if so the kings of the Chendalar grant should be fixed only in
between the kings of the Sanskrit charters, and the kings of the Udayéndiram grant.
Working more or less on the above lines, but completely excluding the kings of the
Sanskrit charters of the Nellore-Guntur as belonging probably to a different line Dr. D.C.
Sircar has suggested the following genealogy.
Father of Sivaskandavarma about the end of the 3rd century A.D.

|
Sivaskandhavarma of the Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli grant.
Skandhavarma of the British Museum plates.

|
Vishnugopa of 350 A.D. who fought with Samudragupta.

өн uer Е ०0 за

Skandhavarma
Kumaravishnu

|
|

| | From the Chendalür grant
Buddhavarma |
|

|
Kumaravishnu- II

Skandhavarma |
Simhavarma |
| From the Udayendiram

Skandhavarma plates

Nandivarma

Simhavarma
|
Simhavishnu

Mahendravarma
who came to the throne
about 600 A.D. |

Dr. D. C. Sircar had expressed a doubt whether Simhavarma, grandfather of Mahéndra-
varma-I really ruled at Kanchi at all. However this doubt can now be completely set at rest
by the discovery of the Pallankovil Jain copper plate grant of this same king Simhavarma
which has been edited and published by Sri T. М. Subrahmanyam.’

The above genealogy was worked out by Dr. D. C. Sircar for the reason that it

|
| The later Pallavas
|
|

1. Successors of the Saravahanas (p. 181-182)
2. Transactions of thc Archaeological Society of South India, 1958-59, pp. 41-83

224 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

was doubtful if the Pallavas of the Sanskrit charters of the Nellore-Guntur area ruled
ftom Kanchi or not, as their grants do not mention Kanchi. Dr. D. C. Sircar says :!

"Some Sanskrit records of the Early Pallavas have been found in the Nellore and
Guntur Districts, which at one time formed the Northern part of the kingdom of Kanchi.
The Pallava genealogy constructed from these records cannot be quite easily and satis-
factorily assimilated into the traditional list of early Pallava kings found in later records.
The Pallava kings mentioned in these northern inscriptions, moreover, can scarcely be
identified without difficulty with the Pallava princes mentioned in the inscriptions of the
rulers of Kanchi. Whether they ruled over Kanchi proper is also not definitely known."

Пт. K. К. Subrahmanyam who had also worked at the problem of the Pallava genea-
logy also held the same view, viz. that the Nellore-Guntur Pallavas were perhaps not
connected with Kanchi at all. He says as follows! :

“Ав only the Chendalür plates among the Pallava inscriptions of the fifth and sixth
centuries mention Kanchi, and connects the Pallavas with the city, we have to infer that the
other Pallavas who date their copper plates from places in Nellore and Guntur districts
were not connected with Kanchi at all. If they had been related to Kanchi, they would have
clearly said so, as the early Pallava and the Chendalar grants say. Again, the order of
succession and chronology of the plates dated from Nellore and Guntur districts are with-
out any gap and the kings of the Chendalur and Udayendiram grants cannot be fitted into the
list. In whatever order we may arrange the kings of these Pallava grants, we have to
confront two lines of contemporary kings after the time of Vishnugopa (340 A.D.). A
certain Ugravarman of Palakka (Palakkada 2) mentioned as a contemporary of Samudragupta
sounds like a Pallava name. Anda pillar inscription at Amaravati in early Pallava script
contains a Pallava dynasty. These would lead us to infer there was another branch of the
Pallavas in the Telugu districts as different from the Pallavas of Kanchi. Howsoever we
may arrange the genealogy, a separate line of kings from Viravarman down to Vishnugopa
of the Chura plates not connected in any way so far known with Kanchi, has to be postulated
and they were cousins of the main line. To assign the kings of the two branches places in
succession to the same kingdom of Kanchi will lead to chronological impossibilities. The
northern branch succeeded to Kanchi when Simhavarman son of Skandavarman and, later,
Simhavishnu ascended the throne in the south.”

Hitherto this theory of the Pallavas of the Nellore and the Guntur branches
belonging to a collateral branch, or their losing hold in the Telugu area because of
Samudragupta's invasion, or the possibility of a Chola interregnum etc., have all held the
field because none of the Sanskrit charters of the Nellore Guntur Pallavas hitherto

1. Successors of Satavahanas p.169.
2. Buddhist remains in Andhra & Andhra History, p. 103.

(29) INSCRIPTIONS ОЕ THE PALLAVAS 225

‘discovered mentioned Kanchipura, and hence led to a lot of doubts amongst the scholars.
The present Vésanta grant of Simhavarma settles this problem once and for all. It clearly
and categorically states that the grant was issued from Sri Vijaya Kanchipura. There can
therefore be no doubt at all that the Pallavas of the Nellore-Guntur did rule from Kanchi.
We have therefore got to synchronise the genealogy of the Nellore-Guntur Pallavas with
genealogy of the later Pallayas of the Simhavishnu line since both the lines are identical.
In fact it is wrong to think or describe them as belonging to different lines at all.

This problem of synchronising the genealogy of the Sanskrit charters with the
genealogy of the Simhavishnu line has been engaging the attention of several scholars.
Dr. S. Krishnaswami Iyengar and Dr. R. Gopalan adopted the following arrangement.

Skandhavarma (Donor of Ongodu grant)
|

PET
Simhavarma-I Үиуатаћаға ја, Vishnugopa Kumaravishnu

| |
Skandhavarma-IT Simhavarma-IT Buddhavarma

| y | |
Nandivarma (Udayendiram grant) Vishnugopa-I] (Chara grant) _ Kumaravishnu-II
| (Chendalar grant)
Simhavarma-11T

|
Simhavishnu

|
Mahendravarma-I etc

The defect in the above scheme is obvious viz. that three sets of contemporary kings
cannot be adjusted especially when there are no two branches but only one branch of the
.Pallava dynasty

Sri Mallampalli Somasekhara Sarma has adopted the following genealogy.’

Kumaravishnu-I

|
Skandhavarma-I
= |
MR у
Kumaravishnua iravarma
| |
‚ Buddhavarma Skandhavarma-II
| 2
Kumaravishnu-I71 | y d T
: Simhavarma Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopa
Skandhavarma Simhavarma-I
|
Nandivarma Vishnugopa

———

4. History of the Pallavas of South India, p. 59. 2. Journal of the Madras University, Vol. ХП, р, 135.

226 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

Dr. K.R. Subrahmanyam working independently has also arrived at the same genealogy"
as above.!

The above arrangement also suffers from one serious difficulty viz. that Kumara--
vishnu-III and Simhavarma the son of Skandavarma-II could not be contemporaries ruling
at the same time. Moreover the collateral branch to the left of the table with Kumara-
vishnu-1II at the end, represents the list given іп the Chendalür grant, but the kings of the
Chendalür grant are much later than Simhavarma and Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopa as the grant
is on paleographical grounds to be assigned toa later date. Moreover the above scheme
also assumes two collateral lines as was done by Dr. K.R. Subrahmanyam, which assumption
has now to be completely discarded, by the clear mention of Vijaya Kanchipura in the
present Vesanta grant. Thus the efforts at synchronising the genealogy of the Pallavas of
the Sanskrit charters and the later Pallavas ofthe Simhavishnu line has all along been
coloured by an assumption of either a collateral branch or by an interregnum in Pallava
power. Since both the assumptions are now proved by the present grant to be incorrect,
we have now to evolve a pattern that will satisfy all the details of all the grants.

For arriving at a fresh solution of the problem we have to remember the following.
facts regarding the dates, since any genealogy that is suggested should broadly tally with
the dates given below:

(a) Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopa must have lived somewhere round about 350 A.D.,.
since he is said to have opposed Samudragupta's invasion of the south, and
Samudragupta’s dates are known to us to be between 330 A.D. and 375 A.D., and

. hence his invasion of the south could be fixed at about 350 A.D.

(b) Simhavarma, father of Skandhavarma of the Udayediram grant should have
ascended the throne at 436 A.D. as is clear from the Lokavibhaga synchronism
and from the evidence of Penukonda grant of the Ganga king Madhava.

(c) Simhavarma father of Simhavishnu and grand father of Mahéndravarma-I must
have come to the throne round about 550 A.D. making an allowance of 50 years
for two kings, as the date of Mahendravarma-I may be taken to be about 600 A.D.
as he was contemporaneous with the great king of the Western Chalukyan line
of Badami viz. Pulakesin-II whose date of nccession has been accurately fixed a
609-610 A.D.

I offer the following genealogy or the Pallavas as being the most satisfactory in the-

light of all the evidence that is available.

1. Buddhist remains in Andhra and Andhra History, P. 101.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE PALLAVAS 227

Simhavarma-1 ЖҮ
(Of.the Manchikallu stone epigraph about 290 A.D.)

Kumaravishnu
(Of the Ongodu-I grant)
Skandhavarma-1
(Of the Prakrit grants and Ongodu-I grant about a 310 A.D.)
Viravarma
(Probably same as Virakorchavarma of the Darsi fragmentary record)
|
Skandhavarma-Il -
NES ü
Simhavarma-I i - Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopa
(Mentioned in Uruvapalli grant and (Who opposed Samudragupta about 350 A.D.)

:donor of the present Vesanta grant) Simh HII
imhavarma-

|
Vishnu шш
: $Кап4дһауагта-П1

|
Simhavarma-1V
(436 A.D. from the Lokavibhaga synchronism)

| ¿a

Skandhavarma-IV *
(475 A.D. from the Penukonda plate and Loka-
vibhaga synchronism. Also the first king of the

|
From the Udayendiram grant |
|
| Cena grant)

“

Nandivarma

. Kumaravishnu-I
(Last king of the Udyendiram grant) ж

|
| |

From the Chendalar plates | Buddhavarman
| Китағауізіти-П

Simhavarma-VIt _
(550 A.D. from the
Pallankovil Jain record)

Simhavishnu

| Mahéndravarma-I
| (600 A.D.) ete.
In the above genealogy, Kumaravishnu of the Ongodu-I grant is shown seperately

in between Simhavarma-I and Skandhavarma-I. Moreover there is a reference to Virakorcha-
varma in the Darsi fragmentary record: and he has been equated in the above scheme
1. Epigrapia Indica, Vol. 1, p. 397.

226 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

with Viravarma the third king of the Ongodü-I grant as per the suggestions of Mr. H.
Krishna Sastry. The kings of the Vayalar and Vélarpalayam records are not taken into
account as these records give only a long list of jumbled names composed at a later
date and cannot be taken as a guide for a continuous chronology. They can be used only
to indicate the broad lines of succession and cannot be accepted as a correct guide
for the list of kings. However some of the names of the Velarupalyam record tally with
those of the Chendalur plates also. The above also closely follows the genealogy suggested
by late Sri B. V. Krishna Rao! except for some changes

The genealogy given above differs from that suggested by Dr. D. C. Sircar in his
“Successors of the Satavàhanas". Dr. D. C. Sircar was of the view that the four
kings mentioned in the Chendalur plates should come before the four kings mentioned
in the Udayendiram plates and had formulated his scheme accordingly. His main reason
was that as Simhavarma and Skandhavarma, the second and third kings of the Udayendiram
grant had to be equated with the Simhavarma and the Skandhavarma of the Lokavibhaga
synchronism, therefore, the list of the Udayéndiram grant should be placed after the
list of the Chendalur grant working backward from the known dates of 600 A. D. from
Mahéndravarma-I, if the combined list was to be chronologically reasonably acceptable.

It would however not be correct to arrive at a genealogy by merely working
backwards from the known date of 600 A. D. of Mahéndravarma-I. We have also to work
forwards from Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopa of the earlier genealogy of 350 A. D. and try to fix
the genealogy in such a manner that the dates of the kings of the Udayendiram grant
will agree not only with the dates of Mahéndravarma-I. 600 А. D. but also with the dates
of Yuvamaharaja Vishnagopa of 350 A. D. If this is done, it is my view that the second
Skandhavarma of the Udayendiram grant should be equated with the Skandhavarma of the
Chendalür grant and the genealogy arranged as given above as will be evident from the dates
assigned to various kings below

I suggest that the genealogy suggested by me is the most satisfactory one and give
below the possible dates for the kings with my reasons.

In the first place, it is not correct to treat the Pallavas of the Prakrit and early
Sanskrit charters as different. Sivaskandhavarma of the Prakrit charters has been assigned to
Circa 310 A.D. and Kanchéyaka Vishnugopa of the Allahabad Pillar inscription has been
assigned to Circa 350 A.D. Itis beyond all human probabilities that these two were not
connected at all as the difference between them 1s only 40 years. Hence the Pallavas of the
Sanskrit charters should be held to have succeeded the Pallavas of the Prakrit grants
forming a single line. It will be clear from the following also that the Pallavas of the:
Prakrit and Sankrit charters did belong to the same line only.

1. A History of the Early Dynasties of Andhradega, p. 250.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE PALLAVAS 229

(а) The mention of the Bharadwa ja Gatra, the performance of the Asvameédha sacrifice
and the general similarity of the grants, lend colour to the view that they form only one
continuous line.

(b) Skandhavarma of the Prakrit grants is to be assigned to 310 A.D. If so, unless
we postulate another unknown Vishnugopa of 350 A.D. who opposed Samudragupta
for which there is no evidence, we cannot synchronise the genealogy given in the Sanskrit
charters with the information in Allahabad Pillar inscription. On the other hand equating
Skandhavarman of the Sanskrit charters with the Skandhavarman of the Prakrit grants
would neatly and nicely fix Vishnugopa of the Uruvapalli plates as the Vishnugopa who
opposed Samudragupta.

(c) There is a far more important reason than the above. The Ongodu-I plate
mentions the date as the 33rd regnal year of the Skandhavarma on the 13th Tithi of the 3rd
fortnight of Hemanta. Dr. D. C. झाल्या has stated that this is an old form of dating used
in almost all Prakrit inscription, and that “Sanskrit grants showing considerable Prakrit
influence appear to be not much later than the beginning of the 5th century A.D. They
may roughly be placed between the middle of the 4th and the beginning of the 5th Century
A.D. If we assume that Vishnugopa of the Uruvapalli plates is the Vishnugapa who opposed
Samudragupta in 350 A.D., then the Skandhavarma-II of the Ongodu-I plate would be just
before him, and his date would be round about 330-350 A.D., which exactly tallies with the
date given to the grant by Dr. D. C. झाल्या, basing himself on the method of dating in

Ritus, which is a very ancient method. Moreover the Prakrit grants of these Pallavas also
show Sanskrit influence, and infact one or two Sanskrit verses also occur in them. In view

of these paleographic evidences, it is clear that the Prakrit and Sanskrit grants show signs
of close contact, and since the date of the Ongodu grant can be fixed as the middle of the
Ath century A.D. itissafe to assume that Vishnugopa of the Uruvapalli plate is the Vishnu-
gopa who opposed Samudragupta.

If the above is accepted, the dates for the first kings will be as shown in the genealogy
suggested above. All the known grants discovered upto now like the Pikira grant, the Mangadür
grant, the Ongodu-TI grant and the Uruvapalli grant mention Vishnugopa only as a Yuvamaha-
raja. It was only in the Chara plates that he is referred to as Maharaja. The present Vésanta
grant establishes clearly beyond doubt that Simhavarma in whose 11th regnal year the Uruva-
palli grant was given, was a ruling monarch from Kanchi, the present grant having been issued
in his own 19th regnal year. From all this, it is clear that Vishnugopa was a Yuvamahara ja
Who was in charge of the Telugu area as a viceroy or a regent on behalf of the king, while
Simhavarma ruled actually from Kanchipura. It is significant to note that Allahabad Pillar
inscription nearly mentiones ‘Kanchéyaka Vishnugopa’ i.e., Vishnugopa of Kanchi and does

——

1. Successors of Sátavühanas, p. 203.

230 COPPER PLATE INCSRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

not clearly mention that he was ruling asa king. Moreover Samudragupta did not come
into conflict with Kanchéyaka Vishnugopa alone, but had a conflict with the confederacy of
all the kings that reigned near the two rivers Godavari and Krishna like the Nilaraja of
Avamukta, Hastivarma of Vengi, Ugrasena of Palakka, Kubera of Devarashtra, Dhananjaya
of Kausthalapura etc. It is thus clear that the Kancheyaka Vishnugopa need not necessarily
be the ruler of Kanchi. Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopa was administering the Telugu area as
Yuvamaharaja on behalf of king Simhavarma. and in such capacity, he might have joined
the confederacy of the other forces to oppose Samudragupta's march. Hence it is, that he
is mentioned as Kanchéyaka Vishnagopa, i.e., Vishnugopa of Kanchi, and not necessarily as
the ruler of Kanchi.

From the above itis clear that that the Vishnugopa of the Uruvapalli plates, is the
Vishnugopa who opposed Samudragupta, and that the Skandhavarma mentioned in thePrakrit
grants is to be identified with the Skandhavarma mentioned as the ancestor in the other
Sanskrit charters. We would therefore be safe in fixing 310 A. D. as the date of Skandha-
varma mentioned in the Prakrit and the early Sanskrit charters and 350 A. D. as the
date of Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopa of the Uruvapalli grant who opposed Samudragupta in
his march. Hitherto various scholars had equated Simhavarma brother of Vishnugopa-
varma-I of the Uruvapalli grant, (and the donor of the present grant) as the Simhavarma of
the Lokavibhaga synchronism and had therefore suggested a collateral line from this
Simhavarma as Skandhavarma and Nandivarma corresponding to the Udayéndiram grants.
However this cannot be correct on the assumption that the Pallavas of Prakrit and early
Sanskrit charters are the same, as there are only two kings between Skandhavarma-I of
the Prakrit grant and Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopavarma. As Skandhavarma-I of the Prakrit
grant is assigned to 310 A. D., it is far more reasonable and plausible to identify the
Vishnugopa of the Uruvapalli plates as the opponent of Samudragupta and assign him
to 350 A.D., since the reign of the two intervening kings will normally and naturally cover
a period of 40 years between 310 A. D. and 350 A. D.

If the above dates are accepted, then we have now to consider the Lokavibhaga synchro-
nism and try to identify the kings mentioned in it with the king known from the grants. It
has already been stated that the Jain work Lokavibhaga gives the date of its completion as
the 22nd year of Simhavarma Lord of the Pallavas, in Saka 380 or 458 A.D. Hence this
Simhavarma should have started his reign in 436 A.D. Similarly the Penukonda grant
mentions that the Ganga king Madhava was installed on the throne by the Pallava king
Skandhavarma and the father of the Ganga king Madhava viz., Ayyavarma was also installed
by another Pallava king Simhavarma. The Penukonda plates have been assigned to 475 A.D.
on paleographical grounds. We have therefore to look for a Skandhavarma who succeeded

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE PALLAVAS 231

Simhavarma of the Pallava line round about 475 A.D. Since a Skandhavarma succeeding a
Simhavarma occurs only in the Udayendiram plates and no where else, it is, therefore, clear
that Simhavarma and Skandhavarma of the Penukonda grant are the Simhavarma and
Skandhavarma mentioned in the Udayéndiram grant. If we also identify Simhavarma of the
Udayendiram grant with the Simhavarma of the Lakavibhaga synchronism, the dates given
in the Lokavibhaga synchronism as well as the dates of the Penukonda plates tally with each
other very nicely and neatly. The Simhavarma of 436 A.D. according to Lokavibhaga
synchronism must have ruled atleast upto 458 A.D. i.e. upto his 22nd year. Hence the
date of his successor Skandhavarma can easily be 475 A.D. corresponding to the date of the
Penukonda plates. Thus the date of the second king Simhavarma of the Udayéndiram grant
can be fixed on the basis of the Lokavibhaga synchronism as well as on the basis of the dates
of the Penukonda grant at 436 A.D.

If we fix the date of Vishnugopa of the Uruvapalli plate at 350 A.D. we have to fix
Simhavarma-III and Vishnugopavarma-1I of the Chüra grant as also Skandhavarma-III of the
Udayendiram grant in between Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopa and Simhavarma-IV of 436 A.D.
The difference in dates between 350 A.D. to 436 A.D., i.e., 86 years would easily fit in with
the rule of three kings. Hence on the basis of the dates fixed for Vishnugopa and the date
fixed for Simhavarma of the Udayendiram grant both the genealogy and the chronology will
tally nicely only if we fix the pedigree as follows:

Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopa (350 A.D.)

Simhavarma-ITI
(Chara grant)

Vishnugopavarma-11
(Chara grant)

OT H
(Udayendiram grant)

Simhavarma-IV (436 A.D.)
(Udayendiram grant) (Lokavibhaga synchronism)

Skandhavarma-IV (475 A.D.)
(Udayendiram and Penukonda grant)
|

Nandivarma
(Udayendiram grant)

From the foregoing, it will be seen that the kings of the Udayendiram grant should be
placed immediately after Vishnugopavarma-1I of the Chara grant and before the four kings
of the Chendalar grant if we are to tally the dates known to us.

232 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

We have now only to fit in the four kings of the Chendalar grant in the above scheme.
These four kings are:

Skandhavarma

Kumaravishnu
|

Buddhavarma

Kumaravishnu-1I

These can be fitted in as shown in the genealogy at p. 227, by identifying the Skandha-
varma mentioned here with Skandhavarma-IV of the Udayendiram grant. The paleography
of the Chendalür grant is distinctly later. Dr. Hultzsch, who edited these plates was of
the view: that the alphabet of the Chendalar grant is more archaic than that of the Karam and
Kasakudi grants, but that one point which stamps it as more modern thanthe Pikira
Mangadar and Uruvapalli grants, is the fact that r, k, and subscribed u, consist of two
vertical lines of nearly equal length while in the earlier plates the left line is considerably
shorter. The Chendalür plates raay be assigned to the early part of the 6th century A.D. on
paleographical grounds and if so the scheme suggested at p. 227 will satisfy all the details.

We have now to connect the above with the later kings viz., Simhavarma, Simhavishnu
and Mahéndravarma-I. Mahéndravarma’s date is fixed roughly at 600 A.D. since he was а
contemporary of the Badami Western Chalukyan king Pulakesin-II of 609 A.D. His grand-
father Simhavarman is known to have issued a grant viz., the Pallankovil Jain copper plate
grant of Simhavarma? and his date is roughly fixed at 550 A.D. The connection with line
is shown at the geneology suggested at p. 227 which satisfies all the details оѓ all the grants
and may be accepted as fairly accurate.

We have now to consider whether it is possible to fix precisely the date of this grant
viz., the date of Simhavarma-II. In the Ongodu-II plates there is a mention of an eclipse
of the sun, being the occasion of the grant. However the date is given in that grant as the
fifth lunar day of the bright half of Visakha which is at variance with the detail of an
eclipse, as a solar eclipse can occur only on a new moon day. Sri Krishna Sastry who edited
these plates tried to reconcile these two particulars? by supposing that the grant was acually
made on the new moon day of Chaitra, the possible day to the nearest solar eclipse
while the copper plates were engraved 5 days later, i. e., on the fifth day of the bright half
of Vaisakha. From the genealogy given above, it will be seen that Simhavarma of Ongodu-II
plates would be Simhavarma-III the son of Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopa of 350 A.D. There
was an eclipse of the sun of the new moon Tithi of Chaitra in 368 A. D., and there

1. Ep. Indica. Vol, УШ, p. 334. n |
3. Transactions of the Archaeological Society of South India 1958-59, p. 41-83.
3. Epigraphia Indica Vol. XV, p. 252.

(30) INSCRIPTIONS OF THE PALLAVAS 233

was no other eclipse of the sun for a decade either before or after that date. Hence since the
date of the Ongodu-II grant is the fifth regnal year of the king the accession of Simha-
varma-III should be placed at 363 A.D. The present grant is in the 19th year of
Simhavarma-II and the Uruvapalli grant is in the 11th year of the same king. It is therefore
obvious that the king must have reigned for at least 20 years, and if Simhavarma-III had
come to the throne at 363 A.D., Simhavarma-II must have come to the throne at least on
343 A.D. assuming only a period of 20 years rule for him, and assuming that the Yuva-
mahara ja Vishnugopa never came to the throne at all. Thus the present Vesanta grant would
fall somewhere in the middle of the fourth century A.D. and round about 360 A.D. if we
assume only a period of 20 years rule to Simhavarma-II. Beyond this itis not possible to
fix the exact date of the present grant. |

The grant also mentions that all the Mahamatras, the Adhyakshas, the Rajapurushas
and the Sancharantas should see that the exemptions given in it were not merely enforced,
but were also caused to be enforced by others. (Sarva Mahamatra Adhyaksha Rajapurushah
Sancharantah Cha Enam Gramam Sarva Pariharaih Pariharantu Pariharayantu Cha). The word
Adhyaksha means a superintendent or an officer, and the word Sancharanta occurs in the other
inscriptions like the Hirahadagalli plates, etc. The Sancharanta is the same as the Sanchara
of Kautilya’s Artha Sastra. The mention of Sancharanta clearly proves the custom of
appointment of spies within the domains of the king who reported to him about the conduct
of his officials and subjects. The word Rajapurusha mentioned in the grant would appear
to refer to the Purushas of the royal line. The epithet Mahamatra was used in Asokan times
to represent regional officers, but the epithet 'Mahamatrayodha", which was applied to
Hasti-kosa Virakosa of the Polamüru grant of Madhavavarma-I of the Vishnukundin dynasty,
shows that they were the Mahamatras of the military departments. The word Mahamatra
according to ‘Medin? means Hastipakadhipai.e., the head of elephant drivers or riders.
Hence the Mahamatras, the Adhyakshas, the Rajapurushas and the Sancharantas mentioned.
here are different types of government officers, employed by the king, and on whom the
royal command was laid that the exemptions granted must be protected by them.

The grant mentions that the village Vésanta was made into a Brahmadéya and was given
along with water and along withthe 18 different Pariharas (Sa Paniyapatam Brahmadéyam
Kritva Ashtadasa Jati Pariharopétah Dévabhogahalavarjjam Asmabhirsamprattah).

The word Brahmadeya occurs in the Mayidavolu grant of Yuva Maharaja Sivaskandha-
varma also. According to Kautilya’s Artha Sastra, those who performed the sacrifices
(ritvik), spiritual masters (Acharyas), religious priests (purohitas), and those well versed and
learned in tne Vedas (srotriyas), should be granted Brahmadeya lands yielding sufficient
produce (abhirapa dayaka) and exempted from taxes and fines (a-danda-hara). Brahmadéya

1. Kautilya's Arthaáastra (Shama Sastry's Second Edition, p. 47).

234 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

is also mentioned when Kautilya says' that the danda or rod of 8 cubits in length was used
measuring Brahmadéya and Atitya lands. In the Mayidavolu grant it is mentioned that to
the village of Virupür that was gifted in that grant, were given all the amenities enjoyed
by the Brahmadeyas. The word Brahmadéya therefore means not only a déya or gift to
Brahmins, but also possibly signifies a donation which implied certain immunities and was
used in a technical sense like the other terms Brahmatra etc.

The grant was said to have been given with water sapaniyapatam. As regards this
custom the following verse from Agni Purana’ would be of interest.

RAS नाम गृह्णीयात्‌ ददानीति तथा वदेत्‌

तोयं दद्यात्‌ ततो हस्ते दाने विधिरयं स्मृतः

From the above it is seen that a grant that is made has to be confirmed with a libation
of water.

It is also mentioned that the eighteen different kinds of Pariharas or exemptions were
also granted and it was enjoyed on government officers that the Pariharas should not only
be observed but were made to be observed by others also. A Parihara means a special grant
or privilege or exemption from tax. Kautilya defines Parihara as follows’:

जाते विशेषेषु परेषु चैव, ग्रामेषु देशेषु च तेषु तेषु

अनुग्रहो यो नृपतेनिदेशात्‌ , तज्ज्ञःपरीहार इति व्यवस्येत्‌

Similarly in another place Kautilya mentions.
“

अनुग्रहपरिहारौ चेभ्यः कोशबृद्धिकरों qun

Manusmriti also mentions Parihara as follows’ :

प्रदद्यात्‌ परिहारांश्च

Dr. Senart has given a learned discussion on the subjects of Pariharas in Epigraphia
Indica Volume VI, pages 65-66. The Mayidavolu grant of Sivaskandhavarma mentions five
Pariharas and the Hirahadagalli plates mention all the 18 Pariharas. Some of the immu-
nities granted include exemptions from the royal right of digging soil in the village ground,
exemption from the police and the magistrates of the district, exemption from supplying
bullocks for the carts used by royal officers while on tour, exemption from troops entering
the village even during battle and causing disturbances, exemption from the obligation of
supplying boiled rice, water pots, cots and other supplies to the officers who visit the place,
exemption from the obligation of supplying sweet and sour milk, grass, wood, vegetables
. Kautilya's Árthaíastra, Il, 20.

Agni Purana, ch. 209, 49-50.
Kautilya's Arthasastra A. 2. 10. 28.

. Kautilya's Arthaíastra 2. 1. 19.
M.S. 7. 201.

жазын

~.

|
Name of the?grant |

----

Where published

| list of kings
mentioned in the
grant in the order
of succession

Place of issue of | Royal camp of the | Palakkada
victorious Tambra- |

gran

Details of the grant

Details of the date

of the grant

CHART SHOWING-DETAILS OF THE SANSKRIT сан e ar

Ongodu-I

Epigraphia Indica

Vol. XV, p. 249

Kumaravishnu
Skandhavarma
Viravarma

Vijayaskandhavarma

pasthana _

The village

of the
Gotra

of the king,

night of winter

was
given as a Satvika
gift to Golasarma
Kasyapa

33rd victorious year
f 13th

day of the 3rd fort-

Uruvapalli | Ongodu-II Pikira
| R ыр Аш ы д Se
i ti Epigraphia Indica | Epigraphia Indica lian Antiquary
Ar Vol XV, p. 252 Vol. VIII, p. 159 ol. v, р. 154
|
|
Sriskandhavarma |
Sriviravarma Viravarma Viravarma Vi wma
ప Babi Skandhavarma Skandhavarma Sí havarma
| i umo. M
Yuvamaharà ja Yuvamahara ja Yuvamaharaja Y саа Ја
Vishnugopa Vishnugopa Vishnugopa | 7
1 i
Simhavarma Simhavarma Si arma
| |
к жан с अ
Vijayaskandhavara | Menmiatira Д ura
it
of | Gift of village] Grant of a village, © of village
ul he alliage Ongodu in Kamma- | named Pikira іп | e. in the
Uruvapalli of| rashtrato а certain | the Mundarashtra | ; fra to
Mundarashtra іо | Dévasarman, a resi- | rahmins
the temple of God | dent of Kendur, be- | |
Vishnuharaesta-| longing to the
blished by Senapati ! Kasyapagotra |
Vishnuvarma at the |
village of Kundu-
kura
F | Р {һе
he k ourth year of the | 5th year of the reign of
Ci 52/7 Кіпр ह Vaisakha | of Simhavarma Simha-

Suklapaksha Pan-
chami. The actual
ift was made on
an eclipse on the
previous newmoon

day

L "

Vilavetti

ras University Vol

XII, No. 1, p. 135
Indica

and Epi
Vol. XXIV, p. 303

Viravarma
Skandhavarma

Yuvamahara ja
Vishnugopa

Simhavarma

Vijaya Paddukara
Adishtana

Grant of village
Vilavetti in
Mundarashtra, to
Vishnu Sarma of the
Gautamagotra

bright fortnight of
Sravana in the tenth
year of the king's
reign

|

-—|
Fifth Tithi of the'

THE PALLAVAS OF THE NELLORE-GUNTUR AREA

Chura Udayéndiram

—— — ———Ó— — € MERE E
Journal of the Mad- | Epigraphia Indica

Epigraphia Indica

=== == x F. А

Chendalir

Epigraphia Indica

Vol. XXIV, Vol. III, p. 142 Vol. VIII. p. 233
p. 137-43
| Skandhavarma
|
| Yuvamahara ja
Vishnugopa
Simhavarma
|
Vijayavishnugopa-
varma Skandhavarma Skandhavarma
ое Kumaravishnu
Skandhavarma Buddhavarma
Nandivarma Kumaravishnu |
Vijayapalotkata Vijayakanchipura Kanchipura

Grant of land, to
Chasmisarman of
the Kasyapa Gotra
and a resident of
Кипайғ

Kanchivayil
four

an
Pieces

| name Kulasarma

Not dated
Vaisakha

Gift of village 2

of
forest land in the
district of Adayara
to a brahmin of
Kanchivayil by

Ist year of the king,
Sth lunar day of

—— ——— >

Gift toa brahmin
in the village of
hendalüra in
Kavichakarabhoga
2 sub-division of
the district of Kar-
mankarashtra

— —"n ы ы

2nd year of the
reign of the king

|
|

x
x

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE PALLAVAS 235

and so forth by the villagers to the royal officers and their servants on tour. Thus it would
appear that the custom in ancient days in village life was to supply the needs of all visiting
royal officers by contribution from the villagers themselves. A relic of this custom prevailed
till very recently when the village officers of our state were under obligation to $upply
provisions etc. to touring revenue officers. Since the grant was made for the purpose of
increasing the prosperity of the king etc. the grant was made exempting the village from the
different kinds of obligations which would otherwise have fallen upon them.

The grant also mentions that it was given as “Deva bhoga hala varjya’, which has been.
translated by Dr. Hultzsch as ‘with the exception of cultivated lands enjoyed by temples’
(Epigraphia Indica VIII p. 165). Dr. Fleet translated it as ‘with the exception of plough
of the possession of the god’ and remarked ‘the meaning would seem to be that the grant
did not carry with it the right to some cultivated land in the same village which had already
been given to the village-god’. (Ind. Amt. Vol. V. p. 157 and note )

The present grant is a very important one, as it is the first known grant of Simha-
varma, brother of Vishnugopavarma, and as it clearly mentions Sri Vijaya Kanchipura, thus
providing vital evidence to prove that the Pallavas of the Sanskrit charters of the Nellore-
Guntur area did rule from Kanchi.

236

- /

9 ^ © ж

COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

FIRST PLATE: SECOND, SIDE.
जितम्मगवतो श्रीविजयकाश्वी पुरात्‌ परमन्रह्मण्यस्य ` विघिविहितसव्वेम
айе क्षितितळावतीर्ण त्रिदशपतितुल्यप्रभावस्य- प्रतापोपनत
स्व्वराजमण्डरुस्य अभ्युच्ितशक्तिसिद्धिसम्पन्नस्य महाराज
स्य श्रीविजयवीरवर्म्मणः पौत्रः अमृतविषसमप्रसाद कोपस्य
लोकोपचयपरवृततस्व्वारम्मस्य वसन्तमास इव सर्व्वेजननयन .

SECOND PLATE: FIRST SIDE
हृदयानन्दस्य करिकरोदारपीनभुजस्य खभुजपरिपारुनातिमुदित
पौरजानपदस्म सकळदक्षिणापथविजययशस्समास्था पित त्रिसमु
द्रकूलस्य राजादूभुतस्य श्रीबिजयस्कन्दवरम्मणः पुत्रः भगव
द्वक्तिसद्भावसम्भावितसर्व्वकल्याणः मनोवशानुगपञ्चेन्द्रिय. विषय:
वृद्धदर्शनोपासनरतिः पूर्व्वराजर्षिप्रमावगुणसमुषगतः

SECOND PLATE: SECOND SIDE
शमदमनियमधतधृतिः क्षितिधरवरसहशावस्थितस्थितिः чата पु
त्निरन्तरमवृतसौहृदः कलियुगदोषावसन्नधर्म्मो द्धरणनित्यस
aE: वीतरागरोषलोभमोहभयः अवसन्नराजवं
शोद्धरणसव्यापारः वासवृक्षो विद्वज्जनस्य आश्रयो धर्मस्य आवा
सो sear: सर्व्वखज्ञीवलोकस्य भगवत्पादानुध्यातो बप्पभट्टार.

Š rR, pe Plate ХШ (a) |

THE VESANTA PLATES OF SIMHAVARMA
Е РІ 5 d Side

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Plate XIII (b)

THE VESANTA PLATES OF SIMHAVARMA
Third Plate: First Side

Third Plate: Second Side

१६.
१७.
१८.
१९,
२०,

२१.
२२.
२३.

२४. |

२५.
२६.
२७.

INSCRIPTIONS: OF THE PALLAVAS 937
THIRD PLATE: FIRST SIDE :
कपादभक्त: परमभागवतो भारद्वाज: अनेकाश्वमेधावभूथ
खातानां श्रीवमानाम्पछवानाम्महाराजः श्रीविजयसिंहवर्म्मा
नादत्तपास्याम्‌ वेसन्तग्रामेयकान्‌ इत्थमाज्ञापयति यथा
एष आमः आवस्तंबसूत्रेभ्यः गौतमसगोत्रेभ्यो ज्येष्ठ
"vq: सपानीयपातं ब्रह्मदेयं कृत्वा अष्टादशजा तिपरिहा

THIRD PLATE: SECOND SIDE
रोपेतः अस्मदायुर्दर्म्मविजयामिवृद्धघर्थ देवभोगहल
वर्जमस्मामिस्सम्प्रदत्तः तद्स्मिन्राज्ये सर्व्वमहामात्राध्यक्षराज
पुरुषाः सञ्चरन्तश्चैनं आमं 99: परिह
vg परिहारयन्तु च यो वास्मदाज्ञामतिळंघयेस्स पापः

| FOURTH PLATE: FIRST. SIDE
शारीरन्दण्डम्ह ति अस्मद्विजयराज्यसंवत्सरे एकोन
faai माघमासशुक्कुपक्षद्शम्यां परमभ
ered: खमुखाज्ञप्तेन रहस्याधिकृतेन

1. Read आपस्तम्ब

238

२४८५
२९.
š Ses

3%.
३२.
३३.

COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF. HYDERABAD MUSEUM:

FOURTH PLATE: - SECOND SIDE
कूलिप्पोत्तेन लिखितेयन्ताम्रपट्टिकेति अत्र छोक़ा
भवन्ति बहुभिव्येसुधा, दत्ता बंहुमिश्चानुपालिता
यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिः तस्य. तदा फलम्‌ {93

FIFTH PLATE: FIRST SIDE:
स्वदत्ताम्परदत्तां वा यो हरेत वसुन्धरां गवां शतसह
सरस्य हन्तुः पिबति दुष्कृतं ॥ ` ब्रह्मस्वन्तु विषं du
न विषं विषमुच्यते विषमेकाकिनं हन्ति ब्रह्मस्वं पुत्रपौत्रकम्‌ IL

ғтате AVIT (८) —

THE VESANTA PLATES OF SIMHAVARMA
Fourth Plate: Second Side

Fifth Plate: First Side | 1962

«ptm
š ож" +
А

हि १:5३:5१ ma]

see 5

A general view of the plates with the seal & ring

SECTION VII

A GRANT OF KING HARIVARMA SON OF PRITHVI SRIMULA OF
THE GODAVARI PLATES

CHAPTER XIX

THE KATTUCHERUVU GRANT OF KING HARIVARMA SON OF
PRITHVI SRI MULA OF THE GODAVARI PLATES

While going through some of the old discarded stuff of the Government of Andhra
Pradesh Museum, which were intended for disposal, I came upon this set of copper plates.
Fortunately the disposal had not been carried out unlike the set of two other copper plates
of the Chalukyan dynasty, edited elsewhere, and the plates have now been preserved
carefully in the Andhra Pradesh Government Museum of Hyderabad. Except for the fact
that the grant was obtained from the Godavari district, no other detail is mentioned any-
where in the record of the Museum.

The set comprises of five plates held together by a circular ring with aseal. The rims
of the plates are not raised. The first plate is engraved on the inner side only. The second,
third and fourth plates are engraved on both the sides. The fifth plate is engraved on the
inner side and there is also an inscription of two lines on the outer side of the fifth plate.
Each plate measures 18 cms. in length and 4.5 cms. in breadth. The plates are strung
together by a ring sealed with a seal. The seal contains on the sunken surface some figures
which are indistinct. The ring and the seal weigh 515 grams and 159 grams respectively.

Тһе epigraph is in an excellent state of preservation. The language employed is
Sanskrit throughout. The whole grant contains of 35 lines of writing including the two
lines on the outer face of the last plate distributed as follows :

First plate second side 4 lines
Second plate first side 4 lines
Second plate second side 4 lines
Third plate first side 5 lines
Third plate second side 4 lines
Fourth plate first side 4 lines
Fourth plate second side — 4 lines
Fifth plate first side 4 lines

Fifth plate second side 2 lines
Total 35 lines

242 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

The characters of the plates are the typical 7th century script current in the Andhra
country. The calligraphy is excellent and from the point of view of orthography there is
nothing particular to be specially mentioned here.

The grant opens with a prayer and an invocation to the Lord. Then the king Malara ja
is mentioned who is said to have conquered a number of enemies in battles. After this
Prithvi Sri Milaraia is mentioned as issuing the grant from the Vijaya Gunapasapura or the
victorious town of the Gunapasapura. Prithvimüla here is described as the son of Sri Prabha-
kara. Sri Prabhakara 25 described as having obtained merit by the worship of th e Devas,
Dwijas and the Guru, and his glory is said to have adorned all the cardinal directions.
His son Prithvi Sri Mülaraja is described as fully protecting the Varnasrama Dharma, by his
wisdom and discrimination, obtaind by following all the injunctions laid down in the Sruti
and the Smriti. He is further described as being weighed down by the wealth, which was
being used only for conferring some benefits upon others, as being victorious in a number
of battles, and as having spent his life usefully by constantly giving as Dana cows, land,
gold, kanya etc. to the needy. He is also described as Parama Maheswara, Parama Brah-
manya and Dharma Vijaya, Sriman Prithyi Sri Mülarajah.

This king issues the grant from Tarupaka Vishaya to his son Harivarma Ra ja for the
furtherence of his glory and fame, which had been obtained and strengthened in a number
of battle fields. He grants the village Kattucheruvu to his son Harivarma Ra ja. This village
is situated admist three villages namely Konralagganruu, Paryaparu and Trupparu.

This Harivarma the grantee once again with the consent of his father, makes a further
grant of the same village free of all taxes for the furtherence of the four Pratyayas of the
pilgrims of the “ 4ryavara Bhikshu Sangha’ who come and 80 from all the directions, and
who live in the Mahavihara which was built by the king himself on the top of a hill in the
Сипарағариға. Не gives the-grant to a Superintendent of renovations (नवकमव्यापाराधिक्ृत who
lives in the Mahavihara itself. The grant ends with the usual imprecatory phrases that the
grant of the land should be well protected by all persons who follow the injunctions laid
down in the Sruti and the Smriti. The usual Vyasa Gita Slokas are also added at the end.

The grant is a very important one inasmuch as it introduces for the first time, a king
Harivarma the son of Rajah Prithvi Mila. Upto now, we know only one other grant of this
line of kings, viz. the Godavari copper plate grant of Raja Prithvi Mala edited by Dr. Fleet.

This Godavari plate gives areference only to Mahara jah Prabhakara as the father of Ra 78
Prithvi Mila. In the present grant, we have two other names viz. Sri Mala Ra ja who was
supposed to be the ancestor of this line of kings and Harivarma the son of Prithvi Mülaraja.
The Prasasti of the grant closely resembles the Prasasti of the Godavari plates of the Ra ja

Prithvi Mila, and hence the genealogy and the line of kings is clearly the same as in the

1. Journal of the Bombay Branch, «Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XVI, - p. 114.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE KING HARIVARMA 243

earlier grant.

The present grant refers to Tarupaka Vishaya. The Godavari plate also refers to the
same Tarupaka Vishaya. This obviously refers to Tatipaka of Кајоіе taluk of East Godavari
district. The Gunapasapura mentioned here is not susceptible of clear identification. The
Godavari plate of Raja Prithvi Mula mentions that that grant was issued from Kanderi village:
This village also has not up to now been satisfactorily identified. From the present grant,
however, it wold appear that Gunapasapura was the capital of this line of kings. In describ-
ing the king Mila Rajah the following phrase is used.

बहुसमरजयोपात्तोन्नत श्रीरजेग्रस्यैकवरगुणपाशबद्धनिइशेषठोकः

The phrase above viz. ‘‘Varaginapasa Baddha Nisséshalokah’’ would appear to be an
oblique reference to the Gunapasapura which is the capital though the phrase is to be inter-
preted as meaning that the king was bound by the rope of excellent qualities. Since the
word Varagunapasa is especially chosen to describe this trait of the king, it is extremely
probable that it contains an oblique reference to the capital of the king. Hence perhaps
Gunapasapura was the capital of these kings. It is not possible to identify Gunapasapura
with any existing village in East Godavari district. It would, however, appear that this
word is a Sanskrit translation of the name of a Telugu village. The word ‘Pasa’ can be
translated as “Тай? or rope, and ‘Pura’ as ‘Uru’ or town, and hence ‘Pasapura’ can be
translated as ‘Taduru’. It is interesting to note that there is a village called Adiru in the
East Godavari District, on the top of which there are some Buddhistic remains even now
This 42274 falls in the geographical limits of the grant and it is extremely probable therefore
that this village Adaru is the Gunapasapura of this line of kings and the existing Buddhistic
remains may perhaps be the remains of the Mahavihara established by king Harivarma.'
Further exploration at 4daru may perhaps give further connections. The other villages
mentioned like Kartucheruvu, Kanralagganru are not susceptible of verification now. |

In the Godavari plates of Prithvimüla, the grant was made as an agrahara grant by
Raja Prithvi Mala at the request of the Adhirajah Indra to 43 families of Brahmins who
studied Adharvaveda and who were descendents of Upadhyayas and who belonged to a variety
of Gotras. The object of the grant was evidently to establish a regular colony of the
Adharvanikas in the State. In the present grant, it is also mentioned in the phrases descri-
bing Raja Prithvi Mala, that he is a protector of the Varnasrama Dharma, a Parama
Maheswara, a Parama Brahmanya etc. In other words Raja Prithvi Mala isa devout Hindu
whereas his son Harivarma would appear to have embraced Buddhism, inasmuch as he had
himself established a Mahavihara, and also regranted a village given to him by his own
father, for the purposes of the four 'Pratyayas ofthe Buddhist Bhikshus that come there.

1. I am grateful to Sri Mallampalli Somasekhara Sarma, Lecturer in Epigraphy, Andhra University, Waltair
for this suggestion.

244 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM

We have therefore clear evidence from this grant that Harivarma embraced Buddhism,
whereas his father Prithvi Mala was an ardent Hindu.

Neither the Saka year nor the regnal year of the king is given nor is any other detail
given to even roughly date the grant. However, the previous grant viz. the Godavari copper
plate grant of Raja Prithvi Mala was issued in the 25th year of some reign on the 3rd day
of the Amanita Vaisakha. The Adhirajah Indra at whose request this grant was made is
described as having fought with several other chiefs to overthrow Indra Bhattaraka. This
Indra Bhattaraka hasa reference to the Vishnukundin king of that name, and hence the
grant is roughly datable to the 6th century. This grant being issued by the son of Prithvi
Mila, may also belong to the same century. Beyond this it is not possible even to guess
at the date of the record.

The two lines on the outer cover of the last plate are very interesting. As they stand
they read as follows:

[ | Ra ताम्ब्रपर्ण्णीयात्‌ शासनं हरिवर्म्मणा राज्ञा कृतमिहस्थेयादिदमाचन्द्रतारकम्‌
The above is in Anushtup metre and means that the grant made by the Raja Hari-
varma may remain іп the world permanently. The first line of the Anushtup metre is not

complete and has one letter missing. If we add a letter ‘Sam’ before ‘Disya’ and read the
whole epigraph as....

संदिश्य ताम्ब्रपण्णीयात्‌ शासनं हरिवम्मणा etc.
the Anushtup becomes complete and the word ‘‘Samdisya’”’ can also be said to mean as
having given an order. This kind of writing on the outer cover is rather peculiar and
deserves notice.

The grant isa very important one inasmuch as it gives usa further king beyond
Rajah Prithvimala of the Godavari plates and also gives us a clue for the spread of Buddhism
іп the Tatipaka area or Rajole Taluk of East Godavari district round about 6th century A.D.

TEXT AND PLATES
OF
THE KATTUCHERUVU GRANT OF
"KING HARIVARMA SON OF PRITHVI SRIMULA OF
THE GODAVARI PLATES

246 COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF HYDERABAD MUSEUM:

FIRST PLATE: SECOND SIDE

जयति मुनिरुदग्रख्यातचद्रांशुजाळ प्रचयरुचिरकी

त्तिश्रीरजेयस्य यस्य [|] जगदिदममि षिक्तन्द क्षिणांम्भो मिरु
- चै: क्षुमितसलिलनाथस्यद्विभिम्मीरसैन्यैः (1) तदनु जयति भू
४. न्ना मूलराजस्समन्ताद्विततरुचिरभास्वह्लोकविरू्यातकीतिः । बहु

RN

SECOND PLATE: FIRST SIDE

५, समरजयोपात्तोन्नतश्रीरजेय[स्ख]कवरगुणपाशाबद्ध

निरशेष लोकः (2) खस्ति'[॥] विजयगुणपाशपुरात्‌ 'देव द्विज
. गुरख्वरणसमाराघधना घिगतनिरतिशयपुण्यनिचय |

८. . ` स्य аже осетат: श्रीपभाकरंविख्यात

6 е

SECOND PLATE: SECOND SIDE
९. महाराजस्य सू नर्म्मातापितृपादानुद्‌ध्यातः श्रुतिस्मृतिविहित
१०. पदार्त्थावबोधज नितप्रज्ञाविवेकनिरवगीतानुपाछि
११. ताशेषवर्ण्णाश्रमधर्म्मः. परानु्रहमात्रप्रयो जन
१२. प्रतिपन्चेश्चय्यगुरुभारः अनेकचातुईन्तसमरसंघट्टवि

THIRD PLATE: FIRST SIDE*

१३. जयी सततगोभूमिहिरण्यकन्याप्रदानादिभिस्सफली कृतजी वितोप

१४. भोगः परममाहेश्वरः परमत्रह्मण्य: धर्म्मविजयी श्रीमान्‌ प्रिथिवी'श्री

१५. मूलरीज: ताळुपाकविषये राष्ट्रकूटग्रामवृद्धप्रमुखविषय

१६. निवासिनः सर्व्वानित्थमाज्ञापयति (|) यथा (॥) विदितमस्तु भवतामसक्कदनेक
“१७. निशित [feta] सहस्तसंकुलातिमीमसंग्रामभू मिप्रका शिता त्म विक्रमा तिश

1. "Read पृथिवी . 2. Correct word should be Ёт

Plate XIV.(a) తా!
THE KATTACHERUVU PLATES OF HARIVARMA | > స

= @ балее ७ एके:
ఇండ శతి |.

эч го (mu
कळ) SE 53S SY 50

22

24

26

Plate XIV (b)
THE KATTACHERUVU PLATES OF HARIVARMA

Third Plate: Second Side

Fourth Plate: First Side

Se Fourth Plate Second Side 3 > "s
4